Survive or Perish: AI, Credibility, and the Philippine Context

By Karl Garcia


The rise of artificial intelligence (AI) is not merely a technological shift. It is a systemic stress test for institutions, industries, and entire national ecosystems. AI forces a hard question:

Who can adapt — and who will be left behind?

But beneath the rhetoric of innovation lies a deeper truth often ignored in discussions about AI disruption:

Adaptation without credibility is fragility.
Speed without foundations is risk.

In high-trust domains — education, cybersecurity, healthcare information management, financial systems — survival requires more than digital adoption. It requires sequenced competence, operational discipline, and trust capital.


Academe: Innovate — But Ground Innovation in Reality

Universities now compete with AI tools that generate explanations, summaries, simulations, even assessments. The lecture monopoly is over.

Yet the threat to academe is not AI itself. It is irrelevant pedagogy.

Institutions that survive will:

✅ Integrate AI as a learning amplifier, not a shortcut
✅ Emphasize problem-solving, judgment, and ambiguity
✅ Embed case studies, simulations, and failure analysis
✅ Align curricula with industry realities

Those that persist in passive, lecture-heavy instruction risk producing graduates fluent in theory but untested in execution.

In an AI-saturated world, knowledge recall declines in value.
Applied reasoning rises.


Management & Industry: Agility Is Necessary — But Not Sufficient

AI promises efficiency, automation, predictive analytics, personalization. Firms are urged to “move fast.”

But agility detached from capability creates instability.

Sustainable winners will:

✅ Automate selectively, not indiscriminately
✅ Redesign workflows, not just overlay tools
✅ Invest in workforce reskilling
✅ Preserve human judgment where risk is high

Rigid organizations will struggle. But so will those that digitize recklessly without process maturity.

AI magnifies both intelligence and incompetence.


Cybersecurity & High-Trust Work: Credibility Cannot Be Rushed

Cybersecurity and HIT/HIM are not conventional outsourcing categories. They are credibility economies.

Clients silently ask:

• Have you handled failure?
• Have you managed live incidents?
• Can you operate under pressure?

Here, being “almost competent” is dangerous.

The temptation toward rapid certification and title inflation is particularly risky:

Certification → Title → Responsibility → Exposure gap

Entry-level operational roles — SOC monitoring, QA/testing, compliance support — remain indispensable because they build:

✅ Pattern recognition
✅ Escalation judgment
✅ Risk intuition
✅ Procedural discipline

Skipping this apprenticeship phase produces professionals whose authority outpaces their experience — a systemic vulnerability in high-risk sectors.


Military & Security: Decision Speed Meets Judgment

AI compresses decision cycles. Information processing accelerates. But speed without judgment invites disaster.

Effective adaptation requires:

✅ Decentralized decision frameworks
✅ Human oversight over AI recommendations
✅ Training in ambiguity and failure scenarios
✅ Integration of local intelligence

Technology enhances advantage only when institutions possess discipline and doctrine maturity.


Local Enterprises: Survival Through Digital and Community Adaptation

For SMEs and local enterprises, AI and digital tools offer lifelines — but not guarantees.

Resilience increasingly depends on:

✅ Digital-first engagement
✅ Hyper-local community alignment
✅ Agile marketing channels
✅ AI-assisted operations

Organizations anchored in community trust often outperform technically superior but socially disconnected competitors.


Philippine Implications: Opportunity Meets Structural Reality

For the Philippines, AI intensifies both promise and peril.

We possess:

✅ A large English-speaking workforce
✅ Deep BPO process discipline
✅ Cultural adaptability
✅ Growing digital talent

But we also face persistent risks:

❌ Title inflation ahead of competence
❌ Overreliance on certifications as endpoints
❌ Weak industry–academe feedback loops
❌ Undervaluing operational apprenticeship


Education

AI integration is no longer optional. Institutions must shift from memorization-centric models toward:

• Applied problem-solving
• Simulation-based learning
• Industry-embedded instruction
• Critical thinking under uncertainty

Graduates must be prepared for collaboration with AI, not competition against it.


BPO & Labor Transformation

With over 1.5 million workers, the BPO sector sits at the center of AI disruption.

Vulnerable functions:

❌ Routine voice support
❌ Basic content moderation
❌ Repetitive back-office processing

Emerging opportunities:

✅ AI-assisted customer experience
✅ Compliance and governance support
✅ Data annotation and AI training
✅ Hybrid human-AI review roles

The challenge is reskilling at scale — before displacement overtakes adaptation.


Cybersecurity & HIT/HIM

Rather than chasing elite positioning prematurely, the Philippines can build credibility through:

✅ AI-augmented SOC operations
✅ Cloud governance & compliance support
✅ Healthcare data quality & analytics
✅ Mid-tier scalable security functions

Credibility compounds through reliability, not declarations.


National Security & Governance

AI offers tools for:

• Maritime domain awareness
• Disaster response optimization
• Logistics planning
• Fraud detection

But institutional discipline determines whether AI becomes a force multiplier or an expensive distraction.


The Real Survival Formula

Across sectors, survival in the AI era rests on:

✅ Strategic agility
✅ Operational discipline
✅ Community relevance
✅ Continuous learning
✅ Credibility accumulation

AI is a selective force. It rewards those who combine technological adoption with grounded competence.


Conclusion

The Philippines stands at a familiar crossroads — accelerated by AI, intensified by global competition.

The question is no longer:

“Will AI reshape our institutions?”

But:

“Will we pursue adaptation anchored in credibility — or chase speed at the expense of trust?”

In high-trust digital economies:

Competence must be layered.
Experience must precede authority.
Credibility must be earned.

AI will not decide who survives.

Our discipline will.


Comments
45 Responses to “Survive or Perish: AI, Credibility, and the Philippine Context”
  1. Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

    CHED updates its curriculum every 11 years.

    No wonder there is so much job mismatch.

    https://www.philstar.com/opinion/2026/02/21/2509347/when-and-how-do-we-improve-higher-education-curriculum

  2. Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

    The Philippine data center industry is undergoing a structural transformation as it accelerates toward a “Road to 1GW” capacity target, positioning the country as an emerging digital and AI infrastructure hub in Southeast Asia. Spearheaded by the Data Center Association of the Philippines and reinforced by government initiatives such as the Department of Information and Communications Technology Digital Cities 2025 program and the National AI Strategy Roadmap 2.0, the sector is attracting billions in investment aimed at hyperscale and AI-ready facilities. New campuses in Cavite and Laguna, alongside flagship builds like ePLDT’s VITRO developments and expansions by ST Telemedia Global Data Centres Philippines, illustrate a shift from traditional colocation toward GPU-intensive, cloud-scale workloads. Policy tailwinds—including 100% foreign ownership liberalization, CREATE MORE Act incentives, and Green Lane permitting—are lowering barriers to entry, while renewable energy procurement is becoming central to managing power costs and ESG pressures. Despite challenges such as high electricity prices, grid constraints, and climate-related risks, the industry’s trajectory reflects deepening digitalization, rising AI demand, and a strategic push to decentralize infrastructure beyond Metro Manila, signaling a pivotal decade for Philippine digital competitiveness.

  3. Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

    I have mentored a lot of young people interested in IT and business. My mantra is “there is no replacement for experience.” Additionally, “be the user of tools, don’t be the tool, because the tool can be replaced.”

    When I started out it was common for enterprises to have in-house server rooms, some small, some very large. Rows of server racks tended by technicians who had to SSH into each individual server to monitor services. Then service dashboards were developed which replaced half of the technicians. Unified dashboards replaced even more. Now it isn’t uncommon to have one technician remotely monitoring thousands of servers and thousands more virtual machines.

    I was part of the “first generation” that developed and used QA tools, which eventually replaced entire QA teams. Those old QA teams were simply “button pushers” who carried out test plans anyway, and button pushing became automated first by in-house developed then enterprise-grade testing software.

    Filipino BPO workers following a script is not a particularly high-value task. After all, the position low in the value chain is precisely why American call center agents were replaced by cheaper Indian, then Filipino agents.

    Unsurprisingly the Indians took the lessons of their low-value BPO work to its logical conclusion to pivot towards helping to *develop the tools* necessary for CS. This took a period of almost 20 years. The one who uses the tool is not easily replaced. The one who makes the tools can’t be replaced at all because new tools can be invented by the tool maker. But the one who uses tools in a mechanical fashion can first be replaced by cheaper human labor, then by machines.

    I fear the time is late for the Philippines BPO industry to pivot. What comes ahead will be an economic bloodbath which anti-democratic forces like the pro-China set will surely take advantage of.

    • I just asked ChatGPT what kind of tools India has developed recently and was amazed even as someone who should already know:

      India has developed (and continues to develop) several important categories of tools — especially in:

      Enterprise software

      Testing & QA automation

      DevOps tools

      SaaS platforms

      AI & automation systems

      Here are the main types, with concrete examples:

      1️⃣ Software Testing & QA Tools
      BrowserStack

      Cloud-based cross-browser testing platform

      Lets developers test websites and apps across thousands of real devices

      Used globally by companies like Microsoft and Twitter

      Replaced in-house device labs and manual QA setups

      Postman

      API testing and development tool

      Widely used by developers to test and automate API workflows

      Now one of the most used API tools globally

      These are modern equivalents of the QA automation evolution mentioned in that blog discussion.

      2️⃣ Enterprise Development & Automation Platforms
      Tata Consultancy Services (TCS) – MasterCraft

      Model-driven software development tool

      Automates code generation and modernization

      Used in banking and enterprise systems

      Infosys – Finacle

      Core banking platform used by global banks

      Automates large-scale financial systems

      Enterprise-grade software infrastructure

      Wipro – HOLMES AI

      AI-driven automation platform

      Used for IT operations, business process automation, and analytics

      These are examples of Indian firms moving beyond outsourcing into tool/platform creation.

      3️⃣ SaaS & Developer Tools

      India has become a major SaaS hub:

      Zoho

      CRM, email, finance, and business automation software

      Fully homegrown product ecosystem

      Competes globally with Salesforce and Microsoft

      Freshworks

      Customer support and IT service management tools

      Automation-heavy enterprise software

      These tools replaced manual customer service workflows — similar to how QA automation replaced manual testers.

      4️⃣ DevOps & Infrastructure Tools

      Indian engineers and startups have also contributed to:

      Cloud management platforms

      CI/CD pipelines

      IT service automation frameworks

      Infrastructure monitoring tools

      While many open-source tools aren’t “nationally owned,” Indian developers contribute heavily to global ecosystems.

      Big Picture

      India’s strength has not just been using CS tools — but:

      Scaling enterprise automation

      Building SaaS platforms for global markets

      Creating developer productivity tools

      Moving from service outsourcing → product innovation

      I asked ChatGPT a follow up question on the SaaS stuff and got this answer:

      it gets to the structural difference between India’s tech evolution and the Philippines’.

      🇮🇳 India: Product & Platform Builders

      Companies like:

      Zoho

      Freshworks

      BrowserStack

      Postman

      …are:

      Globally distributed SaaS platforms

      Developer tools used worldwide

      Venture-backed and product-led

      Exporting intellectual property, not labor

      India built:

      Core banking platforms

      CRM ecosystems

      Dev tools

      Testing infrastructure

      AI automation systems

      These are scalable, product-based technology companies.

      🇵🇭 Philippines: What Exists in That League?

      Short answer:
      There is currently no Philippine equivalent to Zoho or Freshworks at global SaaS scale.

      But here’s what does exist:

      1️⃣ Fintech Platforms
      GCash

      Large domestic fintech platform

      Tens of millions of users

      Digital payments, lending, insurance

      Very strong locally

      However:

      Primarily domestic

      Not a global SaaS platform

      PayMaya (now Maya)

      Digital banking + payments

      Strong infrastructure play

      Again: mostly domestic/regional

      These are successful — but not global developer platforms.

      2️⃣ Enterprise / Tech Startups
      Sprout Solutions

      HR SaaS platform

      Regional presence

      Growing but not global-scale

      Kalibrr

      Hiring platform

      Expanded into Southeast Asia

      Niche regional reach

      These are SaaS — but more regionally focused.

      3️⃣ What the Philippines Dominates Instead

      The Philippines built strength in:

      BPO (business process outsourcing)

      Call centers

      Back-office operations

      Creative services

      VA services

      Major global firms like:

      Accenture

      Concentrix

      …operate massive Philippine delivery centers.

      This is labor-arbitrage scale, not IP-platform scale.

      Structural Differences
      🇮🇳 India

      Strong engineering universities (IITs, etc.)

      Early IT services giants (Infosys, TCS, Wipro)

      Product pivot after services maturity

      Large domestic technical talent pool

      Venture ecosystem supporting SaaS

      🇵🇭 Philippines

      Strong English fluency

      Service-oriented economy

      BPO-friendly policy

      Smaller deep-engineering ecosystem

      Less R&D commercialization

      The Core Difference

      India exported software products.
      The Philippines exported services powered by people.

      India built:

      Scalable platforms that replace labor.

      The Philippines built:

      Labor systems enhanced by software.

      Is There Hope for PH Product Plays?

      Yes — but likely in:

      Fintech

      GovTech

      Niche SaaS for Southeast Asia

      AI-enhanced BPO transformation

      Climate/disaster tech (a natural domain advantage)

      The ecosystem is earlier-stage compared to India’s 2005–2015 SaaS boom period.

      So the Philippines is one to two decades behind India, who have gone from tools thru tool users to tool makers.

      • Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

        Thabks

        • I asked ChatGPT how the Philippines could build in the five areas mentioned and got this answer:

          If the Philippines wants to build real product capacity (not just services), it needs focused, asymmetric plays — not a generic “let’s copy Silicon Valley” approach.

          Below is a realistic build-up roadmap per sector, grounded in Philippine strengths and constraints.

          1️⃣ Fintech

          The Philippines already has strong domestic platforms like GCash and Maya.

          What to do next:
          A. Move from consumer wallets → infrastructure

          Instead of just apps:

          Build API rails for:

          SME credit scoring

          Remittance automation

          Fraud detection

          Embedded finance tools

          Export fintech infrastructure to ASEAN microbanks

          B. Leverage OFW remittance dominance

          The Philippines is one of the world’s largest remittance corridors.
          Build:

          Blockchain-based remittance clearing

          AI-driven risk and AML tools

          OFW financial planning SaaS

          C. Regulatory sandbox scaling

          Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) already supports digital banking.
          Next step:

          Faster fintech licensing

          Cross-border sandbox partnerships with Singapore & Indonesia

          Goal: Become the “financial plumbing layer” for emerging Southeast Asian markets.

          2️⃣ GovTech

          Philippine bureaucracy is slow — that’s an opportunity.

          What to build:
          A. Digital identity & citizen services

          Unified citizen ID APIs

          LGU digital service dashboards

          Permits, taxes, and health records in one system

          B. Procurement tech

          Transparent bidding systems

          Anti-corruption analytics dashboards

          Blockchain audit trails

          C. Exportable GovTech templates

          Many ASEAN countries have similar bureaucratic challenges.
          Build modular GovTech SaaS for:

          Island nations

          Developing democracies

          Disaster-prone states

          India scaled Aadhaar domestically.
          The Philippines could scale disaster-aware governance tech regionally.

          3️⃣ Niche SaaS for Southeast Asia

          Do NOT compete with Salesforce.

          Compete where regional nuance matters.

          Possible niches:

          Multilingual payroll compliance (ASEAN labor law complexity)

          Cross-border e-commerce logistics

          Island supply-chain optimization

          SME tax automation for fragmented regulatory regimes

          Companies like Sprout Solutions show this is possible regionally — but scale needs stronger engineering depth.

          Key move:

          Target underserved mid-tier ASEAN SMEs instead of global enterprise.

          4️⃣ AI-Enhanced BPO Transformation

          This is the most urgent one.

          The Philippines is globally dominant in BPO through firms like Concentrix and others.

          AI will automate:

          Tier 1 support

          Simple QA

          Data encoding

          Basic back-office workflows

          If nothing changes, jobs shrink.

          Strategy shift:
          A. Turn BPO into “AI operations”

          Instead of call centers:

          AI supervision teams

          Model training data teams

          AI quality auditors

          Human-in-the-loop specialists

          B. Build AI tools internally

          Philippine BPO firms should:

          Develop proprietary AI customer-service copilots

          Sell AI-assisted service bundles

          License workflow automation tools

          Move from:

          Selling hours of labor

          To:

          Selling AI-enhanced service platforms

          This is survival-level important.

          5️⃣ Climate / Disaster Tech (Natural Advantage)

          This is the most underexplored opportunity.

          The Philippines is one of the most disaster-exposed countries on Earth.

          That is painful — but strategically powerful.

          Build:
          A. Typhoon prediction analytics SaaS

          Real-time risk mapping

          Insurance risk APIs

          Agricultural loss forecasting

          B. Disaster logistics software

          Emergency supply-chain routing

          Evacuation modeling systems

          LGU response dashboards

          C. Climate adaptation fintech

          Parametric insurance

          Micro-insurance APIs

          Climate credit scoring

          Export these to:

          Pacific Island nations

          Bangladesh

          Caribbean countries

          Southeast Asia

          No Silicon Valley company has this lived-experience advantage.

          Structural Changes Required

          None of this works without:

          1. Stronger Engineering Depth

          Incentivize deep CS programs

          AI/ML research grants

          Product-building culture over outsourcing culture

          2. Venture Capital Maturity

          Local capital for product companies

          Long-term risk tolerance

          Exit pathways

          3. Government as First Customer

          The Philippine government must:

          Buy local tech first

          Pilot domestic SaaS tools

          De-risk early-stage GovTech firms

          The Core Strategic Shift

          India moved from:

          Labor exporter → Software exporter

          The Philippines must move from:

          Process outsourcing → System ownership

          AI will force this shift whether the country is ready or not./blockquote>

      • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

        Oh jeez, Jetpack ate my comment. I may re-type it later.

        • https://restofworld.org/2025/philippines-offshoring-automation-tech-jobs/ this is interesting BTW, it is about Filipino teleworkers running convenience store robots in Japan via VR headsets and suffering from motion sickness as a result.

          (I do know of your skepticism regarding the Philippines being able to level up and tend to agree, but maybe the country should at least try this time)

          • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

            These human “pilots” are just trainers for the AI model that will eventually replace them. Cheap labor for training models is also common in Bengal and parts of Africa.

            I found the comments from the Sofi AI guy to be ironically interesting though. His company is making an AI tool that aims to replace low salary Filipino workers yet he takes a high horse position.

            On my skepticism, I’ve never believed there was a limit on the Filipino, but the Filipino is limited by the Philippines system. Place a Filipino anywhere else in the world and usually they will thrive like any other human that is afforded opportunity. How to change the Philippines system so Filipinos can thrive at home with more access to opportunity is the hard unanswered question… there is a role for government to play in this change, but then we have the Catch-22 of needing a better government to be installed in the first place. So it’s back to the basics of educating Filipinos on the individual agency to demand change that they each hold. There needs to be a new Thomasite Revolution, not a new nationalist renewal.

            • kasambahay's avatar kasambahay says:

              I sometimes wonder if human pilots who mainly operates drones day in and day out also suffer from cyber sickness or motion sickness! and maybe one day, drones wont need human pilots at all! drone being able to self manage and maybe countermand their human handlers too.

              • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

                Cyber sickness is a type of simulator sickness. This has been around since the beginning of video games which allowed full 3D motion. I recall the seminal video game “Descent” (1995) had a lot of gamers back then being affected. Simulator sickness mostly affects those who are not acclimated to virtual motion.

                https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Simulator_sickness

                Something that happens more on a daily basis is for example, today I was sitting in the car which was in a parking stall. As I was about to shift into reverse the car beside me reversed out of its stall without me anticipating it. I felt a momentary panic that my own car was moving without human control and stepped on the brake pedal. This is an example of an invalid perception of self-motion that is common in simulator sickness.

                • kasambahay's avatar kasambahay says:

                  good reflexes you’ve got! not all drivers have that, braking just on time.

                  I hate electric cars, I can barely hear them moving about and next thing I know, they’re behind me and beside me, so eerily quiet and disorienting. and I hate their drivers even more, smiling at me like they wanted to be slapped! what can poor me do, but to smile back and pray their lithium ion battery catch fire, haha!

                  may god, forgive me.

                  • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

                    I used to (street and highway) race fixer-upper Japanese cars and motorcycles when I was younger, when there was a proper system of racing rather than the hooliganism of nowadays of the kids whose parents buy them expensive sports cars.

                    My daily driver car is a plug-in hybrid. Given its 80 km electric range I’m in electric mode most of the time. I hear you though. There is a comfort in hearing the drone of a petrol motor which is absent in electric cars.

                    Well the nice thing about modern automotive driver assist systems is that the car brakes safely and immediately if it detects an incoming collision, high-speed or otherwise like in a car-pedestrian scenario. Unless the car is a Tesla, in which case the car will just continue through and crash itself.

            • There needs to be a new Thomasite Revolution, not a new nationalist renewal.

              The late Edgar Lores once wrote that there needs to be something like the Japanese Meiji Restoration, which would be something nationalistic yet knowledge-based and forward-looking, not “culture-based” and backward-looking like a lot of Filipino nationalism.

              At this point the issue isn’t just that those abroad often won’t go back to help the country, it is often that even those with more knowledge in the Philippines are NOT at all listened to by most Filipinos. There is a huge hostility to any form of knowledge that seems preachy and arrogant – or is seen as not applicable to the Philippine situation by most people. There is a commenter and contributor here who works or worked on Wall Street who went on lurk mode from 2019 onwards and said “what can we do if they want to be carabaos”. And most of us unlike you don’t know better ways of planting kamote. Even the fall of BPO might not teach the country anything. I have seen comments on YT videos on BPO being threatened saying “finally those social climbers will be put in their place”. DDS mindset of course is based on the lowest common denominator of what is Filipino, including those who budots in front of Digong’s jail cell here in Europe.

              • kasambahay's avatar kasambahay says:

                yeah, I think, I know the commenter you mean, I once accused said commenter of running a troll farm! though said commenter is certainly not dds, cannot stand a competition for narcissism who must always be right. I am betting said commenter is huffing and puffing vs duterte at the hauge. used to be hater of marcos too the said commenter is. but quite articulate and glib talker.

              • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

                The thing about the Meiji Restoration was that the shogunate was just replaced by a military junta. That military junta did industrially modernize though by using nationalistic themes of honoring the Japanese emperor and Japanese samurai culture for the military and technical class, but not for the commoner class. Unfortunately that project didn’t work out that well for Asia and the Japanese themselves…

                If the Japanese are looked to for inspiration then perhaps the 1947 Japanese Constitution would be a good study. The Japanese once again reinterpreted themselves in the post-War period. Japanese culture associated with the samurai was diffused to commoners, which is where the Japanese have both sides bowing in the old respect ceremony, but the side with more power just bows a little less. The parents of a Japanese girlfriend would use the honorific “dono” of the old middle nobility when they spoke to me despite their higher social and economic position.

                It is not necessary for the Philippines to cast away Filipino culture. It is only necessary for the Philippines to reinterpret “Filipino-ness” to suit modernity and going into the future. Rather than envying and trying to emulate the West, or even Asian neighbors, whose progress has proceeded to demoralizing distance, perhaps the Philippines should look for modernizing inspiration “closer to home.” Malaysia and Indonesia also grappled with their own cultural identity and made it work in a modern world. Malaysia has been much more successful in this regard, having connection to MSEA through the Malay Peninsula constituting roughly half of Malaysia territory. Indonesia has struggled more with their own version of “pinoy pride” (for history watchers, who could forget the episode when Sukarno could not be shamed in the “Happy Days” incident, and actually enthusiastically requested copies of the film from the CIA), but in the recent two decade have started to find their national footing.

                I have also seen the comments you refer to in the YouTube BPO commentary. Perhaps deep down in the less-Westernized Filipino (that is to say, almost all Filipinos), there is a desire to “become datu.” On my recent trek through Mindanao, I observed the hilarious (non-)progress in building a “Maharlika hall” of a local men’s group (ahem, cult) which are not at all uncommon among the rural masa. I mean, who wouldn’t want to be the “datu” of their own life and destiny? The question is how to harness that innate and infrangible desire from its negative aspects into something positively productive that will move the nation forward.

          • kasambahay's avatar kasambahay says:

            there is medication for motion sickness but the more one is expose to movements, the body adapts and motion sickness becomes manageable and occurring less and less. but if there is underlying cause of motion sickness such as vertigo, menieres’s disease, or abnormalities in the inner ear, teleworkers may need to consider their option.

        • JoeAm's avatar JoeAm says:

          🤣😂🤣😱🍺🍺

      • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

        Sadly the Philippines is actually more than two decades behind India. The Philippines IT-BPM industry (which is really just a *BPO industry*) does not know this, but India’s BPO portion of its IT-BPM industry alone is at $54 billion in FY2025 is worth more than the supposed “BPO Capital of the World” with $38 billion in FY2025. When one zooms out to the *actual* IT-BPM industry (not just BPO), India reached $282 billion in FY2025. At the turn of the new millennium, India was only slightly ahead of the Philippines in BPO revenues, roughly $2.5 billion to $1 billion. India simply moved ahead with higher value services while the Philippines basked in its own laurels despite not upgrading capability.

        https://www.philstar.com/business/2026/01/30/2504376/vietnam-malaysia-compete-it-bpm-market

        MANILA, Philippines — Even as IT and Business Process Association of the Philippines (ITBAP) president and chief executive officer Jack Madrid remains optimistic that the Philippines will continue to be the second (India is no. 1) top provider of the global outsourcing market for the information technology and business process management services market, he admits that global competitors are vying for a slice of the global ITBPM market.

        Vietnam, Madrid admitted, has better skills in STEM. STEM stands for science, technology, engineering and mathematics. Based on the most recent ranking (as of 2022) of the Program for International Student Assessment, the Philippines is almost at the bottom, at 77th out of 81 countries. Vietnam’s 2022 PISA ranking was 31.

        Vietnam’s STEM strength, Madrid added, “is consistent with India, but the Indians have specific strengths. You know, they’re stronger in some technical skills.”

        At the moment, Madrid is not yet worried about competition from Vietnam. “No, it’s not big. I don’t even know who number three is. My concern is to make sure that we are a strong number. I mean, we shouldn’t worry about it. This is not a thing. Our only competition is ourselves. If we get better, then we will dominate. And that’s all we should do. Let’s not worry about the others. This is not a race, because there’s so much work here. There’s so much demand. So let’s maximize our market share. What’s our global market share overall? 20?”

        Malaysia, on the other hand, Madrid revealed, has the capability to tap the lucrative Chinese market that the Philippines cannot service because of its lack of Chinese-speaking Filipinos even though we have a very strong Filipino-Chinese community. Malaysia, however, has more Chinese-speaking Malaysians.

        The comments from IBPAP President and CEO Jack Madrid regarding incoming competition are, shall we say, interesting. The disregard of competition from Vietnam, then mis analyzing the strengths of Malaysia. I guess Jack Madrid does not know that a considerable population of Vietnamese and Vietnamese of Chinese descent speak Mandarin, Hokkien, Teochew, Hakka, and so on, due to both the historical connection and the connection of proximity. I mean, I speak Spanish, which is a useful language as Mexico is less than 2 hours away from where I live. Millennial and GenZ Vietnamese all speak English, and in addition many speak Mandarin, Japanese, and Korean as well. In Vietnam, English education is *compulsory* from G3-G12 and will be compulsory starting in G1 in 2030. In addition Vietnam’s education system mandates a *third* language as an elective for those same school years, with the most popular languages studied being French, Japanese and Mandarin. And Vietnamese people don’t sprinkle in out-of-context English words as a prestige marker like what is done in Taglish or Bislish. They simply speak fully in whatever language.

        I looked up some statistics and it looks like for FY2025 Vietnam hit $1 billion in BPO-only revenues and is projected to rapidly grow. Where the Philippines was in 2000. But if one zooms out to the overall Vietnamese IT-BPM industry, revenue was $198 billion in FY2025. While trade association presidents like IBPAP’s don’t seem that concerned.

        FY2025 IT-BPM Industry (Outsourced business processes and IT services): • India — $282 billion
        • Philippines — $38 billion
        • Vietnam — $1 billion
        • Malaysia — $12.32 billion
        • Indonesia — $210.65 million

        FY2025 ICT Industry (Information and Communication Technology, including consulting services):
        • India — $350 billion
        • Philippines — $2.5 billion
        • Vietnam — $198 billion
        • Malaysia — $28.65 billion
        • Indonesia — $48.91 billion

        Astounding.

        • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

          P.S. I have heard common industry epithet: the Philippines is the “BPO Capital of the World” repeated as gospel truth by affluent Filipino friends over the years when I’m in the Philippines. I never looked much into *who* first described the Philippines in such a way so I did some looking around.

          I found it odd that all Philippine-origin citations either do not state a source, or were doing circular citations. After more digging it appears some Filipino analysts and news sources point to the Philippines being first called the “BPO Capital of the World” in IBM’s Global Locations Trends annual report (2010 edition).

          I read IBM’s Global Locations Trends every year, and did read the 2010 report back then. I didn’t recall any of this so I found a 2010 copy:

          Click to access ibm_global_location_trends_report_2010.pdf

          On page 6 of the 2010 report:

          “For business support functions (such as shared services and business process outsourcing)
          the Philippines has taken over the lead in the global ranking from India, after having challenged the top position for several years”

          There is no where in the report which states that the Philippines is the “BPO Capital of the World!”

          So I’ll write this off as another case of self-promotion as is the penchant there. I guess at best self-promotion can be viewed as self-marketing, but at which point does self-promotion cross into empty boasting? If one believes oneself to be “the best” already, one may not see competition eventually gaining ground, becoming shocked at what was predictable when a competitor passes by.

  4. Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

    Interesting article on state capacity by former neoconservative thinker Francis Fukuyama, who later refuted neoconservatism and neoliberal economics, advocating instead for social democracy and classical liberalism. This article uses examples from the American system and US history, but in many ways the Philippines copies American trends with a slight lag. In any case, the Philippines has never really built a robust state capacity to begin with so the ideas here are relevant.

    I have bolded the points I thought to be pertinent to the Philippine context. Both the video and the written version of the article as follows:

    https://substack.com/home/post/p-188407688

    My topic today is the crisis in American state capacity. By “state capacity” I mean the ability of the American government to accomplish the tasks set for it by the American people. In my last article, I talked about declining capacity at NASA, as illustrated by their inability to return human beings to the Moon over the course of 20 years. This crisis in capacity exists in many other realms, for example in the government’s difficulty building public infrastructure or, in many American cities, adequate affordable housing.

    Before I begin talking about the crisis in state capacity, however, I need to put the problem in a broader historical context. My first observation has to do with the cultural attitude of Americans towards their own government. Seymour Martin Lipset, my former colleague and mentor, argued over the course of his career that one of the deepest characteristics of American political culture is distrust of government, which makes the United States different from virtually every other advanced democracy in Europe and Asia. In other liberal democracies, people have a more favorable view of their government, which they typically see as protecting them from external and internal threats and providing valuable public services. In the United States, by contrast, people on both the left and the right tend to see government as a threat to their liberties.

    On the right, there has been a longstanding narrative that “unelected bureaucrats” are running wild, implementing a left-wing agenda outside the control of elected representatives. It is this view that underlies the Trump administration’s attack on what it calls the “deep state,” using language that comes from authoritarian countries like Turkey and Egypt that have in fact been run from behind the scenes by their security establishments. It was this “deep state” narrative that gave rise to Elon Musk’s (now defunct) Department of Government Efficiency, which in the early days of the second Trump administration led to the arbitrary firing of thousands of civil servants and the closing of entire agencies. Musk in particular seems to believe that federal bureaucrats don’t do anything of value, and therefore should be randomly fired in the interests of saving money.

    There is, however, a similar anti-government narrative on the left. The 1960s saw the rise of “public interest” law and figures like Ralph Nader, who argued that the government had been captured by corporate interests and needed to be brought to heel. Idealistic young people wanting to advance social justice goals no longer went into government service, as they did during the Progressive Era and New Deal era between the 1890s and 1940s, but rather into public interest law firms that litigated against the government to stop it from doing what they considered to be harmful things. The rise of the environmental movement, in particular, fueled an anti-establishment mentality and new constraints on state power.

    Thus, by the time of Ronald Reagan’s election in 1980, there was a meeting of minds on both the right and left that government power was not a force for good, and that it needed to be constrained, de-funded, or abolished altogether. Public service lost its luster, and ambitious young people either went into the private sector or to nonprofits and public interest law.

    This, I think, is the background for the current crisis of American state capacity. The way that the American government has evolved since the 1960s has involved the piling on of successive layers of constraints on state power. Many groups in American society, from corporations to labor unions to homeowners to nonprofit organizations, were given veto power to stop initiatives they didn’t like, leading to a situation I have elsewhere labeled “vetocracy”—rule by veto.

    The actual problem with government is in fact the opposite of the conservative narrative of an out-of-control bureaucracy riding roughshod over American democracy. While there are specific cases of this happening, the broader picture is of a government—at municipal, state, and federal levels—that is over-constrained by layers of rules and procedures that make decision-making and policy implementation extremely difficult.

    Let me give you some examples of this. Government procurement of anything from office furniture to F-35 fighter jets falls under something called the Federal Acquisition Regulations (FAR), which comprise hundreds of pages of detailed rules with which federal procurement officers must comply. Some of these rules were put there in the wake of long-ago corruption scandals; others were aimed at social justice goals like increasing the number of minority-owned, women-owned, and small businesses. Meanwhile, those who unsuccessfully bid for government contracts have rights to appeal decisions, throwing many simple purchasing decisions to the courts. FAR is one of the reasons why government procurement of everything from hammers to toilet seats is slower and far more costly than in the private sector.

    Another example is “notice-and-comment.” The 1946 Administrative Procedure Act, which was intended precisely to limit the ability of bureaucrats to make up new rules on their own, mandates that any proposed rule change by a federal agency must be published in the Federal Register. The rule is subject to a 90-day period during which ordinary citizens can make comments, and the agency must show that it has taken these comments into account. Notice-and-comment was one of the first formal mechanisms mandated by Congress to ensure broad public participation in government decision-making.

    The problem is that notice-and-comment has expanded way beyond the intentions of its framers. A major rule change can engender hundreds of thousands of comments, and the agency proposing it can be sued if citizens think their comments did not receive an adequate response. While this limits the government’s discretionary authority, it also greatly slows down the entire rule-making process.

    A final example of procedural complexity in American government has to do with something called “private right of action.” In contrast to most other modern democracies, the United States does not enforce many of its own rules. This is often left up to “private attorneys general,” that is, private citizens who have standing to sue other parties or the government itself for violating the law. This makes sense in an area like employment, where violations of labor laws are hard to detect except by those victimized by them. But private right of action is also used extensively in environmental law at both federal and state levels. In this domain, legal discovery—the process by which the parties in a legal dispute obtain information and evidence—is far less important, since there are many other mechanisms, like environmental impact assessments, that can be used to uncover environmental abuses. Private right of action throws law enforcement into a costly and time-consuming common law process, where the goalposts for what constitutes violations of law are constantly moving.

    Thus, at least one cause of declining state capacity in the United States has to do with the increasing levels of procedural complexity imposed on government action. This complexity seems to be an inevitable feature of modern liberalism. Conservatives, of course, want to put obstacles in the way of state action. But as the legal scholar Nicholas Bagley pointed out in a seminal 2019 article in Michigan Law Review, many progressives who want the government to do more in pursuit of social justice also believe that legitimacy comes from procedural correctness. Over time, they have encumbered the state with complex rules that end up preventing the state from taking the actions they desire. With regard to the environment, for example, progressives want to abate carbon emissions, but have added procedural barriers to the building of infrastructure like alternative energy and transmission lines that would help solve the problem.

    The private sector has complained for many years of over-regulation by the government. But the government itself faces decades of accumulated regulations that limit its ability to act effectively. There are many powerful interest groups who want to limit regulation of the private sector, but relatively few voices advocating de-regulation of the government itself. Indeed, many on the right and left believe that the government has too much discretionary power and needs to be further constrained.

    Restoration of state capacity will thus depend on a culling of the veto points that have been delegated over the years to different stakeholders in and out of government, and delegation of actual authority to the appropriate parts of the government to carry out the people’s wishes. We need new mechanisms to hold that form of delegated power accountable to the people. It has been done before in American history—remember the Apollo program?—and can in theory be done again.

    • Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

      Much obliged.

    • we have had convos here on how the USA is basically “libertarian” and that kind of sums it up. Europeans tend to see the so-called “deep state” as something necessary, for example. The USA has government shutdowns – while Spain’s administration once ran without a government for a while recently:

      https://apnews.com/general-news-8326b5965fa34983ac18a6728d52d22c

      The Philippines is a bit schizophrenic I guess in having a confused mix of libertarian attitudes like the USA – AND “heavy state”, not even modern “deep state” attitudes dating back to Spanish colonial times. So it was hard to get the national ID (normal in most Asian and European countries, the exception UK is due to similar Anglo-Saxon traditions) decided on in the Philippines due to “freedom” but people are still burdened with cedula, NBI clearance and more stuff at the same time. So the Philippines has a state that manages to be both controlling and weak. The recently floated suggestion to give MTCRB jurisdiction over streaming content (facepalm!) versus the inability to implement proper urban planning in Metro Manila – for example. And underneath the schizophrenia of libertarianism versus extreme statism you have the old barangay mindset and datuism, completing a totally confused country.

      • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

        Well the US was founded nearly a century before the modern meaning of “libertarian” which had descended from French Revolutionary far-left and anarchist politics. French Revolutionaries swung wildly left and right, which is why today “libertarian” tends to mean “right-libertarianism” although “left-libertarianism” still exists too.

        The government shutdowns in the US system is a byproduct of Greco-Roman style republicanism where parliamentary disagreement meant political gridlock, which a European-style parliamentary system does not have.

        I see the Philippines political system a bit differently. From my viewpoint the Philippines system is datu-ism with the ornamental trappings of American republicanism. The confusion is in the inability to reconcile two incompatible systems, one which is the actual system and the other which is the system that is performed publicly.

        • From my viewpoint the Philippines system is datu-ism with the ornamental trappings of American republicanism.

          This account by MLQ3 is part of the big picture of what the Philippines is – at least some in the 3rd Republic did try to establish a real republic and some at the start of the 5th republic tried to re-establish something like that, but as MLQ3 wrote, one can never go back.. (Xiao Chua who is Yellow/Pink but also Pantayong Pananaw adherent has tried to define Magsaysay as a kind of democratic rajah of PH, he does seem to realize the tension between these ideas)

          My column today proposes that 1986 began in 1976, because it’s when Marcos’s dictatorship won a hollow victory, inaugurating a decade of arrested development.

          The late journalist Juan Mercado used to quote an old Malay proverb to describe the ultimate futility of the Marcos dictatorship: “Nothing grows under a banyan tree.”
          It took Ferdinand Marcos Sr. from September 1972 to October 1976 to fully entrench his dictatorship. But his moment of triumph was also the point of exhaustion for his regime.
          In the political and bureaucratic, even policy spheres, modernity and innovation had already ceased the year before, in 1975, marked by the removal of then Executive Secretary Alejandro Melchor Jr. (and, indeed, the abolition of the position of Executive Secretary). Technical competence, in the end, was at best an inconvenience, and worse, represented an alternative political vision to one-man rule. For all the veneer of modernity (you can identify the martial law genesis of so many of our current bureaucratic entities by the use of “Development” in their names: National Economic and Development Authority, Department of Social Welfare and Development, etc.), the New Society was at its heart, a premodern project: its ultimate aim was the creation of a hereditary monarchy.
          No coincidence that in 1976, to ensure the primacy of his name, the Great Dictator “restored” Manila as the capital, while actually denying it any primacy through legal ambiguity. The “capital” is actually part of a larger ectoplasm called Metro Manila, which is also a region called the National Capital Region, and the fact is the historically politically contrarian Manila was systematically punished between 1976 and 1986 by Marcos, never actually completing a real capital, only a series of real estate schemes to justify overpriced, disconnected prestige projects.
          By 1976, the armed forces had become exhausted from fighting both Moro rebels in Mindanao and capturing the leadership of the communist rebellion, while failing to stamp out its resurgence in the field. By 1980, Romeo Espino had retired: the military, capable of a self-coup, had lost its vigor fighting the Moros and was enfeebled in fighting the New People’s Army. We often see the height of Marcos’ powers through the prism of his self-congratulatory proclamation of a “New Republic” in 1981. By then, what was coming was firmly in place.
          Sugar and copra had been mismanaged, and what had emerged was less an absolute monarchy and more a loose coalition of mafias on the verge of anarchy. This was the ultimate meaning of Emmanuel Pelaez, former veep, and one of the many who had abandoned the dignity of political independence in exchange for somewhat comfortable survival, when he exclaimed, “What is happening to our country?” after an assassination attempt, when he’d proven himself a thorn in Marcos’ side for giving voice to the devastation of the copra industry.
          That is why I have taken to labeling the period 1976 to 1986 as a period of ”arrested development.” Nothing could develop when the dictator decided everything, and everything, in turn, was devoted to ensuring the dictator’s crown prince would succeed him. The problem, as it turned out, was that the dictator’s authority didn’t extend to his own body, and all his power couldn’t speed up the development of his heir apparent to ensure a smooth succession.
          Yet, the show had to go on: out of ideas, but not out of appetite. But the players were now substandard. Fabian Ver’s true mettle would be revealed by the assassination of Ninoy Aquino and the ultimate demonstration of his generalship in 1986: when Marcos finally ordered Ver to crack down on the rebels in Camp Aguinaldo and Camp Crame, the military tightly wound around the Palace got snarled in an epic traffic jam.
          Under the 1935 Constitution, Marcos would have been succeeded by another president in 1973, and there would have been presidential elections in 1977, 1981, and 1985: the potential for anywhere from two to four presidencies in that period. Within one extra term—1973 to 1977—Marcos had proven he’d run out of answers to address the country’s problems. Thereafter, crises stacked up as a catalog of lost opportunities as Marcos’ health failed, and everyone else was left with nothing else to do but plot. They plotted on the inside, whether it was Imelda and Ver to ensure the throne remained within the family, or Juan Ponce Enrile and officers who felt a junta was the answer; they plotted on the outside, whether through communist armed struggle in the hills or middle-class terrorism. Only slowly would Light-a-Fire give way to what Cory Aquino called restoring democracy by the ways of democracy, however rigged Marcos wanted to keep it.
          Fundamental to this trend of thought was the realization that the country needed to get back to where things were when democracy, such as it was, had been abruptly terminated. Hence, Ninoy Aquino’s insistence that the Bill of Rights under the 1935 Constitution was “the most sacred legacy of the founding fathers.” The earliest definition of a revolution, after all, is in the word itself: the completion of a cycle, the return to a point of origin. The tension to come, after 1986, was that you can never go back to what once was.

          • kasambahay's avatar kasambahay says:

            I dont know if ninoy aquino had foreseen that the current 1987 constitution will face many challenges resulting in deaths and loss of lived, loss of properties, etc. that the philippines is evolving, with filipinos communists hungered for revolution but never got it fully.

            AI Overview

            As of early 2026, the Bill of Rights in the Philippines (Article III of the 1987 Constitution) faces significant challenges that stem from a culture of impunity, aggressive counter-insurgency policies, and the weaponization of law against dissenters. While the Marcos Jr. administration has seen a slight reduction in high-profile killings compared to the Duterte era, structural issues persist, with human rights organizations reporting that violations have continued, particularly through “red-tagging” and the targeting of activists. 

            Here are the key current challenges to the Bill of Rights in the Philippines:

            1. “Red-Tagging” and Threats to Life and Security 

            • Persistent Red-Tagging: The practice of labeling activists, journalists, labor leaders, and critics as communists or terrorists—often by state agents—remains a major issue, creating a “chilling effect” on freedom of expression and association.
            • Legal Standing: Although the Supreme Court ruled in February 2024 that red-tagging is a threat to the right to life, liberty, and security, the practice has continued, with state-sanctioned bodies like the NTF-ELCAC frequently engaging in it.
            • Physical Consequences: Red-tagging is frequently followed by threats, surveillance, red-baiting, and in some cases, extrajudicial killings. 

            2. Impunity and Extrajudicial Killings (EJKs)

            • Drug War Continuance: Despite a shift in rhetoric, killings related to the “drug war” have persisted under the Marcos administration, with over 1,000 deaths recorded between July 2022 and late 2024.
            • Lack of Accountability: Investigations into police abuses and killings are often slow or ineffective, fostering a culture of impunity.
            • International Criminal Court (ICC): The Philippine government has resisted cooperation with the ICC investigation into crimes against humanity, specifically the drug war killings. As of February 2026, international investigations regarding the accountability of former President Duterte and others for EJKs are ongoing. 

            3. Attacks on Freedom of Press and Expression

            • Deadly Environment: The Philippines remains a dangerous country for journalists, with attacks, harassment, and killings continuing.
            • Legal Harassment: Journalists and media outlets critical of the government face harassment, including cyber libel cases.
            • Surveillance: Reports indicate active surveillance of media practitioners, contributing to self-censorship. 

            4. Due Process and Arbitrary Detention

            • Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA): Broad provisions in the 2020 Anti-Terrorism Act continue to be used to target activists, human rights defenders, and indigenous peoples, often resulting in prolonged detention without trial.
            • “Terror-Tagging”: This involves using terror financing charges against civil society groups, a step beyond red-tagging, which is used to restrict access to funds and freeze assets of organizations.
            • Witness Protection Deficiencies: Witnesses to abuses often fail to come forward due to lack of protection, making it difficult to prosecute security forces. 

            5. Other Key Rights Challenges

            • Indigenous Rights: Indigenous communities, particularly in areas like Palawan and Mindanao, struggle against land-grabbing and harassment by private security and state forces.
            • Right to Privacy: Surveillance and online harassment by state actors against youth activists and human rights defenders are reported.
            • Gender and Equality: The Philippines remains the only country apart from the Vatican without a divorce law, and legislation to prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGIE bill) has failed to pass. 

            Recent Developments (2025–2026)

            Supreme Court Action: In early 2026, the Supreme Court remained active in handling cases related to the International Criminal Court’s warrant against former President Duterte, highlighting a tense relationship between local accountability and international legal standards

            Election-Related Violence: Ahead of the May 2025 mid-term elections, there was a surge in red-tagging and political violence, particularly in the Bangsamoro region.

            • There is of course the DDS argument that human rights is not a native Filipino idea but some kind of “woke Western nonsense” – just like we have had Robin Padilla recently saying that his generation did not need any idea of mental health struggles but learned everything from the street.

              Dr. Xiao Chua mentioning that there is the Filipino idea of “kapwa” but that concept is flawed already as many Filipinos don’t see anyone outside their family or immediate community as kapwa, it shocked me how many were NOT shocked at the pictures of tokhang victims all over social media.

              I even joked here when there was a commenter saying Filipinos must find their own consensus on values that we can start by agreeing not to eat people, maybe.

              • kasambahay's avatar kasambahay says:

                of course we were shocked and but kept a stoic face, our umbrage mostly kept to ourselves else we would be the next victim. we learned from de lima et al not to attract attention or suffer the consequences of trumped up charges, our names added to duterte’s dreaded narco lists.

                and we kept tally of deaths, kept our eyes on perpetrators and advice our kapwa not to be target, but when accosted, to cooperate and let anyone knew of their whereabouts so their families can be informed. self help publications were published to inform our kapwa what their rights were under duterte’s regime, our commissioner of human rights walked a very fine line, voicing concerns of illegal detention and unnecessary deaths.

                and then, in secret and when no one was looking, our legal rep slipped to netherland and successfully filed a case vs duterte re crime against humanity.

                repeat, we were shocked and kept our counsel to ourselves, in those dark days we had dark thoughts that our neighbors might not be who we thought they were. and the best way we to keep ourselves safe was to keep mum and pretend were were shockproof and not affected by anything.

                • thanks for this! BTW I am lowkey keeping track of news on the confirmation of charges hearings in The Hague.

                  The YT video below from Voice of Germany (Deutsche Welle) sums up the situation as of now nicely:

                  P.S. this tweet is also important: https://x.com/chronikrissys/status/2026518454807695625

                  ANTI-DISINFORMATION ALERT

                  Someone has manipulated a photo by One News PH and DDS vloggers and supporters are circulating a photo of Rise Up mems w/ luxury bags.

                  It is intended to convince the public that victims families have been paid off. They are not, and never have been.

                  • kasambahay's avatar kasambahay says:

                    thanks, there has been quite a number of vexatious disinfo circulating here and in the hauge mainly from dds, vs pbbm, vs duterte’s victims, vs de lima, vs trillanes, etc. even robin padilla’s daughter allegedly makisawsaw din po and diverting attention from the hearing to herself and her father like they were more newsworthy.

                    duterte’s hearing is being taken away and buried deep and far away from national headlines supposedly to dupe filipinos from knowing what truly goes on in the hague, maligning the victims and spreading falsehoods about the new suitcases of money that bagmen supposedly had delivered given to de lima, pbbm and others.

                    we are aware of the misinfo only all too well, and very well funded they are too. kaso these spreader are of dubious character and we barely pay them attention. deserving only of our scorn.

                    • I am wondering how many of the Filipinos over here who are quite scattered believe in the fake news, because somehow the DDS over here in Europe still manage to pull a small crowd, enough to make a small budots party in summer and a few more again now that spring is on its way.

                      Well, a lot of Filipinos in Germany actually believed that Imelda had a chance of winning the 1992 Philippine elections, way back then.

                    • kasambahay's avatar kasambahay says:

                      dds have their own hakot crowd much as marcos. and that got me thinking too. feb 25 was 40th edsa anniversary which marcos declared a special working holiday where no work no pay applies. but people here ignored him, celebrated edsa and did not go to work. a day without pay when the nation’s conscience is at stake – priceless!

                      and at the same, here at tsoh right on the same day as edsa’s 40th anniversary, a stellar article about power shaker imelda marcos take center stage! got me drift po?

                    • kasambahay's avatar kasambahay says:

                      filipinos believing in fake news? that belief is not absolute, here to day, gone tomorrow. we maybe scattered but we talk at lot among ourselves, distance is not really problem. we have the internet now and almost all of us own cellphones. plus we have friends, know somebodies and we network a lot, people may call it gossips, but that is how we process info. not all gossips are malingering, some have hidden meaning for those who can read between the lines.

                      I think too that dds have more to celebrate these days: their tatay digong is being judged and may forever lost his freedom, thank god! and his daughter is being judged too, and may even be barred from public office, thank god again. happy days for them all. merrily, merrily, the noose is closing merrily.

          • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

            I highly respect MLQ III but he at times (understandably) paints the Third Republic project his grandfather was a part of in a better light.

            It may be a moral imperative to expand suffrage, but what is the cost if the citizenry is not prepared beforehand and maintained afterward? In other countries suffrage was expanded partly due to moral correctness, but also because the population was prepared through education before the expansion.

            There may have been a reason why the American administration in 1901 conditioned suffrage on property ownership and education, while at the same time engaged in expanding universal primary education.

            The 1935 (Commonwealth) Constitution expanded suffrage to all males, Filipino males who then voted in the 1937 plebiscite to expand suffrage to Filipino females.

            Yet the Philippines did not institute universal secondary education until the 1988 Free Public Secondary Education Act. The US passed on a state-by-state basis mandatory secondary education starting in the Antebellum years in 1852; universal secondary education was put into federal law in 1918 by which time all US states already had mandatory secondary education in state law.

            Sometimes I wonder if the Third Republic, which was clearly idealistic in wanting to create a modern republican form of government, was able to overcome the inherent self-interest of keeping people uninformed and thus politically pliable over working on higher forms of persuasion needed to convince the informed.

            Benjamin Franklin once wrote to his friend the English poet and moralist Samuel Johnson:

            “An investment in knowledge always pays the best interest.”
            — Benjamin Franklin, in a letter to Samuel Johnson, July 23, 1749

            • The reality of Philippine public education which THEORETICALLY started with a decree of Queen Isabel in the mid-1800s (which was implemented only spottily) and was continued in American times and built on during the time of Quezon, building schools and getting literacy up to over 50% just after WW2 was that a public school teacher from Cagayan in the 1970s, a cousin of our maid and niece of our labandera, preferred to work as a maid for us then leave for HK to work as a maid. Her lived reality was that she had to go up mountains to teach kids who spoke neither Ilokano nor Tagalog nor English, just Ibanag or Itawis – for little pay. Even now there are teachers and pupils in the Philippines whose unofficial anthem seems to be the Motown classic “Ain’t no Mountain High Enough”.

              At the End of the Road: Why Last-Mile Schools Need More Than a Law

              P.S. suffrage in the 1935 Constitution was restricted to the LITERATE. The 1973 Constitution abolished that requirement (I recall vividly how illiterate voters back then “signed” with their fingerprint and I think voting age was reduced to 16 for barangay elections for a while) and the 1986 Constitution stayed that way.

              • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

                Here in the US the current political crisis is the result of the slow strangulation of public education starting with Nixon’s Southern Strategy and later accelerated with Reagan’s Reagan Revolution. In the “Red” states public education has been so degraded it effectively serves as a guarantee of near-permanent Republic Party control. After Obama’s 2008 victory the Republican Party started pushing local governments in “Blue” states first for private charter schools, then “school vouchers” that convert public resources into privatized sources of power in exclusionary private “Christian” schools. By the way, the “Christian” school (i.e. Southern Evangelical, now also nondenominational Born Again which came from Southern Evangelicalism) was one of the primary methods by which racist White Americans who did not want to racially integrate their public schools following the 1964 Civil Rights Act to continue racial segregation. The result is a public citizenry in the affected states and areas who vote on emotion, not universal morality or reason-based pragmatism. So the work of maintaining an educated citizenry does require the huge effort of maintenance and cannot be a “one and done” like things are often done in the Philippines.

                AFAIK Marcos Sr. abolished the literacy voting requirement in 1973 because he had a greater base of power in the masa who depended on ayuda and were wowed by displays of power rather than the middle class who started questioning the Marcos Sr. regime as the economic situation started showing cracks. Of course I think it would be immoral to restrict the right to vote today for any reason, but that doesn’t change the need to educate the citizenry in order to maintain an informed electorate. Otherwise, people will just vote on emotion and displays of power.

  5. https://x.com/pos2only/status/2024348270924120481 the sequel to this article on X has not yet come out today as promised, but I am sharing it here again for reference.

    • https://x.com/pos2only/status/2026281270461030531 the sequel:

      The Philippines Runs on $40B in Remittances. The Jobs That Send It Have an Expiry Date.

      $39.6 billion. That’s the Philippines’ provisional personal remittance total for 2025. Personal remittances were $38.3 billion in 2024, and cash remittances alone were $34.5 billion. Those aren’t abstract flows in a spreadsheet. They are monthly paychecks earned abroad and converted into survival money back home.
      This is the household budget.

      Think about what an OFW family looks like. A mother in Saudi taking care of someone else’s children, a father on a cargo ship, and kids in Pampanga or Iloilo being raised day to day by lola. The calendar at home is built around padala day: remittance center, Wise transfer, Western Union pickup, then tuition, rent, medicine, and debt. One transfer keeps the lights on and the school year alive. Remittances were 8.73% of Philippine GDP in 2024. This is not just family finance. It is national cash flow.

      I wrote about BPO workers and AI. 500K+ people read it, and many assumed that was the whole warning. It wasn’t. BPO is one dollar pipeline.

      OFW remittances are another giant one, and in many places they are the bigger lifeline.

      PSA counted 2.19 million OFWs in 2024. DFA reported 10,804,958 overseas Filipinos on record from Jul to Dec 2024. Different scopes, same message: millions of Filipino households depend on income earned abroad. DMW also recorded 2,474,197 deployments in 2024: 1,970,140 land-based and 504,057 sea-based, though deployment counts are not always unique workers. Behind those numbers are years of sacrifice: missed birthdays, Christmas through video calls, cramped shared rooms, and parents watching their kids grow up through screens.

      And now the labor market is shifting under that sacrifice.

      AI pressure hits tasks first, then hiring, then headcount. The high-risk zone is routine clerical work, repetitive back-office processing, and script-heavy customer support. The ILO says clerical remains the highest-exposure occupation group, and one in four workers globally is in an occupation with some GenAI exposure. That is exactly the kind of work millions of OFWs do abroad.

      The shift is already visible in payroll decisions. In July 2024, Intuit announced an AI-focused reorganization that cut 1,800 roles (about 10% of staff) while reallocating hiring toward AI priorities. In logistics, Amazon said in 2025 it had deployed its millionth robot across more than 300 facilities and launched its DeepFleet AI model to speed movement inside fulfillment centers. CEO Andy Jassy has also said generative AI will mean fewer people doing jobs the technology automates. For workers, this shows up first as fewer openings, longer job queues, and slower wage growth before headline layoffs arrive.

      Medium-risk roles include seafaring support functions, nursing support tasks, and repetitive retail operations. These jobs do not disappear overnight, but parts of the workflow get automated first, and that quietly changes staffing plans. DMW recorded 504,057 seafarer deployments in 2024 and listed 8,341 nursing professionals among top land-based new-hire skills. Maritime autonomy trials and the IMO MASS roadmap show where shipping is heading, while healthcare already has 950 FDA-listed AI and ML-enabled devices as of Aug 2024, mostly in radiology.

      Lower-risk-for-now work is physical and trust-heavy: construction, domestic work, skilled trades, and caregiving. Hands still matter. Presence still matters. DMW’s own skill profile shows how large this lane remains: 116,981 domestic cleaners and helpers, and 85,645 domestic housekeepers among top land-based new hires. But lower risk is not no risk. Wages can still get squeezed, placements can flatten, and households can still lose their buffer.

      In remittance-heavy provinces, one income shock never stays inside one household. A delayed transfer means the sari-sari store owner restocks less, the tricycle driver gets fewer passengers, the school canteen sells fewer meals, and the local pawnshop sees more desperate transactions. If the drop lasts months, a student defers college next semester, a half-built house is left unfinished, and a microbusiness closes quietly. That’s how a macro indicator becomes a neighborhood crisis.

      So stress-test it.

      If OFW earnings drop 20 to 30% and remittances follow, that’s roughly $7.9 billion to $11.9 billion gone from the annual flow. On a $39.6 billion base, that is not a rounding error.

      The Philippines already posted a $12.5 billion current-account deficit in Jan to Sep 2025, even with $29.0 billion in personal remittances propping it up. We are already leaning hard on that money. If it softens before anything else picks up the slack, the peso weakens, imports get more expensive, and families pay more for fuel, food, and medicine. Reserves were $110.8 billion at end-2025, but reserves buy time. They do not replace lost income.

      The damage will also cluster geographically.

      OFWs are concentrated in CALABARZON (20.5%), Central Luzon (11.3%), and Western Visayas (9.5%). In those regions, remittances are the monthly spending engine for tuition and housing. If that engine slows across many towns at once, the pattern is predictable: stalled housing projects, thinner retail sales, rising informal debt, and local governments collecting less while social pressure rises.

      Set this beside BPO and the exposure compounds. BPO revenues hit $38 billion in 2024 with 1.82 million workers. Remittances were $38.3 billion in 2024 and provisionally $39.6 billion in 2025. Two pillars. Same threat. Same window.

      Nobody is planning for both going down at once.

      Yes, government programs are doing real work. DMW’s 2024 output includes 4,608 G2G placements, 5,865 kabuhayan beneficiaries, 5,010 people reached through financial literacy and small-business orientation, 4,577 distressed OFWs reintegrated, and 19,652 seafarers trained. Useful work, but against 2.19 million OFWs and near-$40 billion in annual remittance dependence, this is still too small for a structural transition.

      Other countries are already building for this. Singapore gives mid-career workers up to 24 months of training support at 50% of prior income, across 600+ programs. That is what a real transition plan looks like. Not a seminar. Not a pamphlet.

      What we actually need: map which OFW jobs in which countries are most exposed. Build retraining that leads to real employment, not certificates. Stress-test the peso and reserves against remittance scenarios. And protect households in the provinces that depend on this money before the shock arrives, not after.

      Build the transition now, or watch the crisis print itself twice: first in BSP spreadsheets, then on Filipino kitchen tables.

      • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

        Part Two seems to align with what I suspected about the next “leg of the stool” (OFW remittances) in my previous comment on Part One.

        One needs to wonder: Is the failure to escape the Middle-Income Trap a case of a lethargic elite, intentional neglect, or both?

        It seems to me that the advantages the US gave to the Philippines began to be squandered starting in the late Third Republic by an increasingly enfeebled elite. Marcosian crony capitalism which accelerated after the declaration of Martial Law and the seizure of foreign-owned (i.e. American-owned) assets after 1973 was appears to be only a secondary causal effect, but not the primary cause. It is too simplistic to blame everything on the bad deeds of Marcos Sr. and his cronies.

        Indeed many countries that had experienced economic collapse turned to exporting labor in the short term. Marcos Sr. instituted the first formal labor export policy, but why was the export of labor continued for so long after the establishment of the Fifth Republic until this present day into a policy of sending away the best Filipinos the Philippines has to offer? Too many families, which I have observed personally, suffer separation and are kept in perpetual survival mode.

        Now I have lightly criticized the hyper-consumerism of the dependents “back home,” but who is more to blame: those who suffer and don’t know any better way, or those who are contented in maintaining control over a system which profits from the hyper-consumerism they sell in the malls and brands they own using the oligopoly on imports they control?

        South Korea and Taiwan at different stages had also depended on remittances from the export of their labor after those countries’ respective civil wars. Vietnam in the 1980s through 2000s depended on remittances from Overseas Vietnamese who left in the Exodus of the Boat People. In those countries remittances were put invested towards educating family members and building small businesses. Family members who stayed behind, poor as they may have been, still had work.

        Meanwhile in the Philippines there is little government effort in creating enough jobs and increasing employment. Maybe that is the only way the “modern datus” can maintain power in the first place by creating artificial dependence.

        There is no need to create domestic industry that lasts when remittances and BPO salaries fuel a consumption of survival for cheap imported goods. A lot of these elites have secondary homes in Hong Kong, the US, Canada, Australia, Europe. Maybe if and when the next social upheaval happens many of them will flee once again.

        Just sad all around.

Leave a comment