Let Us Do This Again: Securing the Future of Philippine Land


Karl Garcia

Having written extensively on space governance and the careful balance between exploration, resource use, and long-term sustainability, I approach the issue of Philippine land management with the same lens: the stakes are high, the resources finite, and the governance choices we make today will shape the possibilities of tomorrow. This reflection is not meant to be redundant, relentless, or pedantic, but rather to propose actionable paths forward in a context where land, agriculture, and coastal ecosystems face mounting pressures.

The Philippines stands at a critical juncture. Urban expansion, climate change, and the concentration of land in the hands of developers and investors pose challenges—but also present opportunities. With thoughtful frameworks, land that today is at risk of speculative or unsustainable use can instead become the foundation for resilient communities, productive agriculture, and thriving coastal ecosystems.

A robust National Land Use Act (NLUA) can provide clarity and consistency, guiding development while safeguarding agricultural zones, forests, and mangroves. Far from being restrictive, it can serve as a blueprint for investors and local governments, aligning economic growth with long-term ecological and social priorities.

Empowering communities is equally essential. Smallholder farmers, fisherfolk, and cooperatives can be recognized as stewards of productive land and coastal resources. Through land pooling, community-managed forestry, and incentive programs—such as payments for ecosystem services, carbon credits, or sustainable tourism—conservation becomes both viable and profitable, turning stewardship into opportunity.

Modern technology offers another transformative tool. Geospatial mapping, satellite monitoring, and public dashboards enable real-time tracking of land use, supporting transparency, informed decision-making, and accountability. Digital platforms can connect communities to markets, technical support, and finance, reinforcing sustainable practices while enhancing livelihoods.

Finally, innovative finance and public-private collaboration can accelerate impact. Green bonds, blended finance, and ESG-aligned investments can fund regenerative agriculture, mangrove restoration, and resilient infrastructure. Strategic partnerships ensure that development and ecological preservation are mutually reinforcing rather than competing priorities.

In conclusion, the challenge of land concentration and environmental pressure is significant—but the Philippines does not have to choose between growth and sustainability. By applying frameworks, community empowerment, technological tools, and forward-looking finance, we can transform risk into opportunity, securing productive lands, healthy ecosystems, and resilient coastal communities. Just as in space governance, the choices we make today define the horizon of possibilities tomorrow—intentional, strategic, and inclusive action can ensure that our resources benefit all generations.


Comments
32 Responses to “Let Us Do This Again: Securing the Future of Philippine Land”
  1. I asked ChatGPT to put together a history of population, land titling and settlement in the Philippines and then summarize it, this seems pretty accurate and explains a lot of why all matters related to land over there are extremely messy.

    **(1)** Prior to 1521, the population of the Philippines consisted of dispersed Austronesian communities living in barangays along coasts, rivers, and fertile lowlands. Population size is uncertain, but estimates suggest several hundred thousand to over a million people. Land was held communally or by kinship groups, governed by customary law; there was no concept of formal land titling or alienable private ownership.

    **(2)** After Spanish colonization began in 1565, population counts slowly became more systematic. By 1591, Spanish authorities recorded roughly 670,000 inhabitants in areas under colonial control. Settlement patterns shifted toward **pueblos**, compact towns organized around churches and plazas, as part of colonial administration and Christianization. Under Spanish rule, the **Regalian Doctrine** declared all land owned by the Crown, with Filipinos holding land mainly through possession and cultivation rather than formal ownership.

    **(3)** From the 17th to the early 19th century, population growth was gradual, reaching roughly 1.5 million by the late 1700s. Settlements expanded in lowland Luzon and the Visayas, while upland and frontier areas remained sparsely populated. Large estates (haciendas), including extensive **friar lands**, emerged. Land rights were documented unevenly through Spanish deeds, grants, and tax declarations, but most cultivators lacked secure or standardized titles.

    **(4)** During the 19th century, population growth accelerated, reaching nearly 6 million by the 1887 census. Agricultural commercialization encouraged denser settlement in fertile plains, especially for rice and sugar production. Attempts to regularize land ownership, such as the **Maura Law of 1893**, sought to require land registration, but implementation was limited, reinforcing inequality between titled elites and untitled tenant farmers.

    **(5)** With the transfer of sovereignty to the United States in 1898, the population stood at about 7.6 million in 1903 and grew rapidly due to improved public health and infrastructure. American authorities promoted inland settlement, particularly in Mindanao. Most significantly, they introduced the **Torrens system of land registration** through the Land Registration Act of 1902, establishing certificates of title intended to create legal certainty in land ownership.

    **(6)** Despite these reforms, by the early 20th century only a minority of lands were formally titled, as surveys and legal processes were costly and complex. Many Filipinos continued to rely on possession or older Spanish documents. Population reached about 16 million by 1939, and settlement expanded through homesteads and new towns, but land titling often benefited those with resources, reinforcing social stratification.

    **(7)** After independence in 1946, population growth surged—from about 19 million to over 76 million by 2000—alongside rapid urbanization. Cities such as Metro Manila expanded dramatically, while rural-to-urban migration intensified land pressure. The Torrens system remained the backbone of land titling, now administered by the **Land Registration Authority**, but many parcels, especially in rural areas, remained untitled or contested.

    **(8)** In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, the population exceeded 110 million, while settlement patterns became increasingly urban and peri-urban. Government efforts shifted toward land redistribution and tenure security, particularly through agrarian reform programs issuing titles such as CLOAs. Today, Philippine land titling reflects centuries of layered systems—customary, Spanish, American, and modern—shaped by long-term population growth, migration, and uneven development.

    • kasambahay's avatar kasambahay says:

      rapid urbanization is fast encroaching and DENR is more or less an enabler, posing threat to land conservation. we have resorts opening within stones throw of protected land areas like the illegal resort at the foot of bohol’s chocolate hills. even matsunagi national park is going to boast restaurants, gift shops, hotels, etc, build within, and already local govt has given approval.

      as well president marcos has given okay for foreigners, offering them land and parts of our country to lease for investment purposes.

  2. Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

    Nice! Thanks a lot!

  3. Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

    A lot of Philippine official policy documents contain “flowery words” for initiatives that haven’t even worked in a rich country like the US or a rich geopolitical grouping like the EU, so why would it work in the Philippines? I would rather stay away from buzz words and stick with the basics. Boil down things to two base general sectors, land-sea and “everything else,” then tie performance-driven incentive programs to each.

    Here’s what I mean:

    LAND/SEA:
    1.) Create government-owned model farms, fisheries and forestries to provide a teachable example all can see. The models don’t need to be big; the model just needs to be able to show an example of the benefits of joining the government program.
    2.) Agriculture – low-interest government-backed loans for mechanization, fertilizer, seed stock, and open up routes to new markets with roads with government-owned transport charging a reasonable transport fee.
    3.) Fisheries – Pay fishermen to replant mangroves for storm resilience, shellfish and fish hatchling habitat. Diversify targeted species so near-surface/near-shore species are not depleted. There are many other fish species inhabiting deeper waters typical fisherfolk can’t exploit.
    4.) Forestries – Implement and enforce anti-clear cutting policy. Pay small-scale forestries to replant fast-growing timber-producing tree species for later harvesting.
    5.) Mining – Discourage “artisanal” mining, which is not only dangerous but inefficiently exploits the resource deposit. Encourage development of modern mining technique and equipment with low-interest loans.

    EVERYTHING ELSE:
    1.) Invest in infrastructure connecting raw material extraction sites to smelting/refining, to manufacturing, and so on.
    2.) Attract private foreign investment to build some of their factories there. The factories should be placed in strategic locations nearby to resources and the manufacturing chain while being at midpoints between available workforce populations.

    Focus should be more on “everything else” as it is not possible to have everyone become a farmer. In my recent trek through Mindanao, and now in Cebu, there are idle people everywhere who can become a potential workforce. The Philippines may not have a great social security safety net, but that just means that a handful of their family members now need to support the rest. Should the hardest working, most self-initiative taking Filipinos really be regulated to delaying forming their own families? It is a real problem that there are many Filipinas who age out of child-bearing age while they are supporting their families and therefore cannot teach the good habits they “evolved” to another generation (of their children).

    • performance-driven incentive programs to each.

      so more on executive programs than the usual laws that are often without IRRs and if they are with IRRs are often incompletely implemented. Makes sense.

      idle people everywhere

      better give them something to do so they feel useful instead of calling them “inutil” like the likes of GRP do.

      It is a real problem that there are many Filipinas who age out of child-bearing age while they are supporting their families and therefore cannot teach the good habits they “evolved” to another generation (of their children).

      that could be one reason (aside from OFW parents being away from their kids and their kids being raised by grandparents plus social media) for the way Philippine society has changed over the past half-century, from a generally responsible attitude (with a touch of YOLO always, of course) to what it often is today.

      • CV's avatar CV says:

        I think most if not all of what Joey suggests be done have been done. Correct me if I am wrong.

      • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

        I’d prefer not to tilt power too much towards one branch, which is what more executives programs would be in the absence of congressional direction.

        Another thing is I’ve found that when I read laws passed by the Philippine Congress, the law reads more of an aspirational statement than a law. The Constitution is like this too. IRRs are only as effective as tools for the executive to implement a Congressionally-mandated law by breaking down a passed law into achievable chunks if 1.) each IRR has tightly defined objectives in service to achieving the greater law, and 2.) the IRR is based of of a realistically achievable larger goal which requires Congress to write better laws. Now there isn’t anything wrong with aspiration towards something, but there is a different between empty aspiration (i.e. messaging) and an aspiration that can become an actuality through applied effort. I guess keeping things within the constraints of what is realistic and maintaining the application of effort is where the Philippines often fails.

        I am an advocate of bringing more jobs to people, teaching them the skills if needed for those jobs. The vast majority of these idle Filipinos are not even counted, as to be counted as an “unemployed” person that Filipino has to actively be looking for a job and/or have recently lost their job. I have a notion that this problem of a vast idle population is unacknowledged and to an extent treated as “I cannot see it, therefore it does not exist,” even when communities of such people exist within 10 minutes walk of most urban areas so how many more are in the “bukid?” There is a sense of active avoidance of the uncomfortable in the Philippines. But hey, these people vote as is their constitutional right. And they are a large part of why the Philippines is where she is today.

        I don’t think it’s anything new that for many Filipino families women are expected to do everything from girlhood onward. It is not uncommon for example, a family I visited where the kuya was allowed to do whatever he wanted and then hitched up with a girl who already had children from two different men and now they have a baby which might not even be the his. The younger brother is likewise allowed to do whatever he wants, while the girls in the family are expected to do the chores, help with the family business, AND go to college. When the lolo spoke up on the matter that the boys should use the lolo’s support to be more responsible, he was shut down by the lola and other women in the family who made excuses like “the boy is tired,” “the boy is too thin,” and so on. That lolo recently died to my immense sadness when I visited his grave to pay my respects in Negros Oriental. In the traditional parts of Filipino society (i.e. the majority), the true enforcers and enablers are the womenfolk. But on the other hand, the womenfolk also hold the power to move the society forward. I agree with almost everything Paul has to say on this when he shares his experience with helping young girls in his community, so I wish he was around. Most of the people I help in the Philippines are also girls and young women, who tend to “stick with the program” more than the boys and young men.

        • While it is true that a lot of responsibility is passed to the women in the Philippines, I wonder if that gains them much respect in that society.

          There is even a cultural tendency (a bit less pronounced in the middle class where men have to work a lot to earn a living) to see responsible men as weaklings, especially in the masa, just look at how PNoy was ridiculed while irresponsible Duterte was seen as almost magically strong.

          The attitude of always looking for VP Leni when typhoons struck while President Duterte was exempt from that responsibility is the same attitude applied at national level also – you mentioned in another comment about how many once the meek become hambog once in power and I sometimes wonder if modesty and hard work is really valued in the Philippines or you are just told to be modest and work hard if you are seen as lower-ranking.

          • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

            I think your question does not have a clear answer. As with many things in Philippine society the true answer is much more complicated and less than satisfyingly concise.

            In general, I see Philippine society as a bisected one: a Philippines of the educated and the upper social classes, and a Philippines of everyone else. At times there are those who can move fluidly between the bisected society who act as an interface — usually these were originally members of the lower social classes who by backers or by determination have raised themselves up. The group of Filipinos I’m more interested in as not the educated, the affluent or the elites who are small in amalgamation, but the combined DE classes which is very large. A big mistake I think national politicians mostly tailor messaging to those like them, a relative minority, whereas they should instead look towards the majority.

            The DE’s seem to me to also hold not-so-firm views on subjects like the place of women. Lolas, mothers and ates are often treated as reliable caretakers; sometimes even to the point as if they are a queen, which is great IMHO. This should be continued of course.

            The problem is more on how men are not expected to have responsibility. Boys and men often have excuses made on their behalf. There is little expectation of accountability at home when it comes to boys. The common saying back before even your day of “boys will be boys” is still very much a thing and is sometimes said reflexively when I observed out loud how can so-and-so’s son become a decent man if he is always excused. Now of course generally males mentally mature at a later age than females, which is well-known in the field of psychology. But that is even more reason to put firm guardrails around boys and young men to guide them on a straighter path. Guardrails during a child’s development always requires adult figures to model positive traits like responsibility, courage, hard work, trustworthiness, accountability, and so on. If parents cannot act as a model to a child, then it means someone else must step in, usually a teacher, a mentor, a pastor, etc.

            The other related problem I sense is the undercurrents of the old datu-ism. Of course, in the Philippine “middle ages” where real-life datus still existed work was only for women, indentured servants and slaves (both male and female). Pre-Spanish men were expected to be warriors who accompanied the datu to raid the neighboring barangay, which essentially was the next neighborhood over as the attacking barangay was also essentially a neighborhood. A very accomplished datu could raid across a strait or channel, which the Visayans were particularly famous for. While modern Filipino histories may view this is some kind of noble endeavor, that activity was essentially piracy, which is what others viewed it as. Yuan Chinese traveler Wang Dayuan observed the Visayans (Pisheye) as such, commenting that the inhabitants of Pisheye did not farm or produce any useful products, instead relying on raiding. In the present-day modern forms of raiding such as stealing from public coffers, stealing from “rich people” is still considered something great (unless one is caught). But I mean, cultures can evolve too (in the societal sense, not the anthropological). Clearly a large part of Philippine society is very capable of adapting. Not so sure about the evolution part for that same large section of society unless a particular Filipino is removed and placed within another society. Adapting can lead to evolving, but the former is not the same as the latter.

            Well, sometimes culture traverses oceans and new societies as well. I just came back from inuman at a FIl-Am friend’s house and his wife went ballistic when she saw their daughter ask her new boyfriend to wash the dishes, berating the daughter in front of everyone. Afterward when I asked the friend’s wife to calm down, she told me that it is a “girl’s job” to wash the dishes, not the boy’s. They were originally from the D class, but they have already lived in the US for more than two decades. Well, the daughter evolved. So there is still hope in eventual generations.

            • The other related problem I sense is the undercurrents of the old datu-ism.

              that plus the UP-fostered idea that defying “elitists” somehow continues an “unfinished revolution”. Erap already being lionized by intellectuals was bad but still somehow comedic, while Duterte’s initial backing from parts of the Filipino Far Left and many other intellectuals and urban professionals was tragic.

              the difference between the elites of the Third Republic and those of the Fifth Republic was I think that the former did NOT have to feel low-key ashamed of being for all the things that somehow became labelled as “Westernized elitism” by the time of the latter. I found it quite tragic that thought and opinion leaders like for example one MAJOR Rappler editor I criticized in the article below took part in low-key ridiculing VP Leni long before she became a candidate.

              Leni’s Bayanihan

              Before Duterte was voted into office, there were the likes of former anti-Imelda exile Carmen Navarro-Pedrosa praising Duterte as something like the “nail in the coffin of the post-colonial period”. TSOH’s Edgar Lores had one word for her back then “she’s bonkers”.

              cultures can evolve too (in the societal sense, not the anthropological)

              they can unfortunately evolve both forwards and backwards.

              or maybe the mentality present-day DE have always was there, just more submerged as they had less of a voice when they had no choice but say “Yes Sir” in the times of the Third Republic but were thinking “tangina nila” all the time.

              I sometimes have a sense of being in a similar position to the pied-noirs or former French colonists who can’t relate anymore to how Algeria/Morocco or former Indochina have become since they left, maybe the Third to Fifth Republic was indeed the post-colonial era and the DDS mindset always was the “real Filipino”, and the last rests of the Philippines that I grew up in will finally disappear from 2028 onwards when Sara Duterte becomes President.

              • Joey Nguyen's avatar Joey Nguyen says:

                Correct me if I’m wrong here, but didn’t large elements of the Philippine far-left initially support Marcos Sr. also, then were “late to the party” in opposing him? I seem to remember that some far-left groups were accused as being collaborators later. Joma was opposed to EDSA even though President Cory Aquino later released him. Well, the far-left progressively lost its intellectualism during the time of the Stalinist and Maoist purges. Hardly any far-leftist I’ve met nowadays can convey any meaningful passage of Marx, Lenin, Trotsky, Mao and so on, then proceed to argue with me on it when I have actually read and understood those writings. A lot of empty ideology, but one thing that hasn’t changed is their desire to “bore from within” via entryism to capitalize on issues or try to take over existing, stronger, political movements.

                Just as I want to throw up when I read some blathering from a Filipino far-leftist about “Western Imperialism,” I equally want to vomit when I read in Jacobin (a major “socialist” but basically communist rag) when they write something about how a commune-based utopia can be created in the Philippines.

                See here, where Jacobin derided Leni Robredo as a “neoliberal” even though in European terms she would be a progressive, and confidently predicted the Leody de Guzman and Walden Bello tandem would have a resounding win in 2022. de Guzman got 0.17% and Bello got 0.19%, lol.

                https://jacobin.com/2022/03/philippines-social-democrats-communists-election-marcos-duterte-robredo

                An important point to consider is there is a lot of discourse between Philippine and Western (mostly American) “intellectuals.” That discourse ALWAYS involves Western far-leftists highlighting some *amazing* far-left brown person from the “Global South” that agrees with all their points who is on the brink , because that person in the developing country eagerly had lapped up drivel from the Western far-left. Then the relationship goes the other way too before becoming a feedback loop. Just another variation of the White Savior and Noble Savage interplay.

                As to evolving backwards as opposed to forwards, fortunately the backwards part usually involves something like “two steps forward, one step back,” so there is still some discernable progression if one looks at things in the grand scheme of things. The lifespan of a human is much too short to appreciate such things that we can’t observe (and realize) within our lifetimes. So that’s a more positive take on things. Things would go a lot faster though if Filipinos live by my personal motto of “don’t let the perfect get in the way of the good.”

    • Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

      1. LAND/SEA
      What is Being Done
      Agriculture
      Government credit programs exist, such as the Agri-Agra Reform Credit Facility and other loan programs through DBP, LandBank, and local cooperatives.
      Agricultural extension services are available through DA and local government units (LGUs), providing training and farm assistance.
      Farmer cooperatives and cluster programs (e.g., ConVERGE, and other DA-supported programs) aim to improve productivity and market access.
      Irrigation infrastructure is being developed and expanded through the National Irrigation Administration (NIA) and DA.
      Fisheries
      Marine protected areas (MPAs) and fish sanctuaries exist in various regions.
      Fishery law enforcement efforts are conducted by BFAR and the Coast Guard.
      Mangrove planting initiatives occur through local government programs, NGOs, and the DENR.
      Forestry
      Reforestation programs exist under DENR, including tree planting campaigns and protected area management.
      Community-based forest management initiatives (CBFM) allow communities to manage forest areas under government supervision.
      Mining
      The government issues mining permits and licenses, and has regulations under the Philippine Mining Act.
      Mining companies have modernized operations in some areas, particularly where international firms operate.
      What Needs Improvement
      Agriculture
      Credit access is still weak for small farmers due to collateral requirements, documentation burdens, and high interest rates in practice.
      Logistics and transport are fragmented. Farmers still rely on inefficient supply chains with high post-harvest losses.
      Mechanization adoption remains low. Many farmers still rely on manual labor, limiting productivity.
      Extension services are inconsistent and often underfunded, with limited follow-up monitoring.
      Fisheries
      MPAs are often not enforced effectively, leading to continued illegal fishing and habitat destruction.
      Mangrove planting is inconsistent, and survival rates are often low due to lack of monitoring.
      Overfishing persists, especially in nearshore waters.
      Alternative livelihood programs are insufficient, leading to continued reliance on depleted fisheries.
      Forestry
      Illegal logging and land conversion continue due to weak enforcement and political interference.
      Reforestation is often symbolic, with low survival rates and lack of long-term monitoring.
      Community forestry is under-resourced, lacking technology and market access.
      Mining
      Artisanal mining remains prevalent, especially in regions with weak governance.
      Environmental and safety standards are poorly enforced, leading to pollution and human hazards.
      Modernization incentives are insufficient, and compliance is weak.
      What Is Not Yet Done
      Agriculture
      Model farms and demonstration sites that are genuinely effective and visible across regions are not systematically established.
      Government-owned transport systems that link farms to markets are not developed at scale.
      Performance-based loans and subsidies with strict auditing are not consistently implemented.
      Fisheries
      Performance-based mangrove restoration programs with verified outcomes and payments are not mainstreamed.
      Deep-water fishery diversification programs (beyond coastal fishing) are not widely supported.
      Sustainable value chain integration for fisheries products is not fully developed.
      Forestry
      Commercial-scale sustainable forestry models that support small communities while producing marketable timber are not widespread.
      Long-term reforestation monitoring and accountability mechanisms are not fully implemented.
      Mining
      Comprehensive phase-out of artisanal mining with replacement livelihoods is not fully implemented.
      Modern mining technology programs with low-interest financing and enforced standards are not mainstream.
      2. EVERYTHING ELSE
      What is Being Done
      Infrastructure
      Major infrastructure programs exist under Build, Build, Build and the National Infrastructure Program (NIP).
      Roads, airports, seaports, and rail projects are being built or expanded.
      The National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) coordinates large infrastructure projects.
      Industrialization
      Special Economic Zones (SEZs) exist under PEZA.
      The government offers investment incentives for foreign investors.
      Industrial parks and manufacturing hubs are present in Luzon, Cebu, and some Mindanao areas.
      Workforce and Skills
      Technical education programs are provided through TESDA, and there are skills training programs in partnership with industry.
      What Needs Improvement
      Infrastructure
      Many infrastructure projects still fail to connect production sites to ports and markets effectively.
      Logistics costs remain high, particularly for agricultural and industrial goods.
      There is insufficient investment in cold chain logistics, warehouses, and processing facilities.
      Industrialization
      Industrial development is still too centralized, mostly in Luzon, leaving Mindanao and the Visayas underdeveloped.
      Manufacturing remains low-value, with limited movement toward high-tech or high-value industries.
      Local supply chains are weak, so foreign investors rely heavily on imports instead of local inputs.
      Workforce and Skills
      Skills training is often not aligned with the needs of manufacturing and industry.
      Workforce mismatch persists, meaning the available labor force is not always ready for modern industrial jobs.
      What Is Not Yet Done
      Infrastructure
      Integrated supply-chain infrastructure that connects raw materials, processing facilities, and export ports is not yet complete.
      Government-managed logistics hubs that link primary producers to manufacturers and exporters are not yet developed at scale.
      Industrialization
      A coherent industrial strategy linking raw materials to processing and manufacturing is not fully established.
      The Philippines has not yet developed a clear plan for regional industrial hubs in Mindanao and the Visayas.
      Foreign Investment
      The Philippines has not yet created a systematic performance-based incentive scheme for foreign investors (e.g., incentives tied to employment and local supply chain development).
      Job Absorption
      The Philippines has not yet created enough high-productivity jobs to absorb the growing labor force, especially from rural areas.
      Summary
      What is being done
      Credit programs exist
      Infrastructure projects are ongoing
      SEZs and investment incentives exist
      MPAs and environmental programs exist
      What needs improvement
      Access to finance for small farmers
      Logistics and transport for supply chains
      Enforcement of fisheries and forestry laws
      Modernization and regulation of mining
      Industrial decentralization and workforce alignment
      What is not yet done
      Model farms and performance-based programs
      Government-owned transport systems
      Deep-water fisheries diversification
      Integrated supply-chain infrastructure
      Performance-based incentives for foreign investors

      • I asked ChatGPT what Sen. Pangilinan (whose focus in this legislative term is agriculture) is doing to solve issues raised here and got this:

        Francis Pangilinan has consistently worked to address the core concern raised in the discussion: how to secure Philippine land for long-term national benefit rather than short-term speculation. A central part of his agenda has been protecting agricultural land so it continues to serve food production, rural livelihoods, and national resilience. His legislative efforts reflect the idea that land policy must be deliberate, not accidental or market-driven alone.

        One of Pangilinan’s most direct contributions is his push to limit the conversion of agricultural land. He has supported measures that tighten approval requirements for reclassifying farmland, aiming to slow the loss of prime agricultural areas to real estate development. This responds to worries raised in the blog discussion about unchecked urbanization undermining food security and national self-sufficiency.

        He has also emphasized farmer tenure security and agrarian reform, recognizing that land is only productive when those who till it have stable rights and incentives to invest in it. While the Joe America article focuses on structural and philosophical issues, Pangilinan’s stance translates those ideas into policy by strengthening the position of small farmers within the land system.

        In the context of food security, Pangilinan has pushed for reforms to agricultural and rice policy, including changes to the Rice Tariffication Law to better protect local producers. This connects directly to the argument that land use must support domestic production rather than dependence on imports, a concern implicit in discussions about land, governance, and national planning.

        Finally, Pangilinan has backed these priorities with budgetary and institutional support, helping secure higher agricultural funding and advocating for programs like Sagip Saka that link farmers to markets. Taken together, his actions show a practical response to the issues debated by Joey Nguyen and Karl Garcia: aligning land policy, farmer welfare, and food security to ensure Philippine land serves long-term national interests rather than short-term gains.

        I followed up with the question on what Sagip Saka Act is about, asking for a two para summary, and got this:

        The Sagip Saka Act (Republic Act No. 11321), principally authored and championed by Francis Pangilinan, was designed to directly address a long-standing structural problem in Philippine agriculture: farmers produce food, but middlemen capture most of the value. The law institutionalizes the Sagip Saka program, which allows the national government, local governments, schools, hospitals, and other public institutions to buy agricultural products directly from farmers’ cooperatives and associations, without the usual layers of traders. By guaranteeing a market at fair prices, the law aims to stabilize farm incomes, reduce post-harvest losses, and make farming a viable livelihood tied to productive land use.

        In the context of land security and sustainability discussed on Joe America, Sagip Saka matters because it strengthens the economic case for keeping land agricultural. When farmers can reliably earn from their land, there is less pressure to sell or convert it for non-agricultural purposes. The law also provides support services such as credit access, logistics, processing facilities, and capacity-building for cooperatives, helping farmers move up the value chain. In practical terms, Sagip Saka links land policy to food security and governance: land stays productive not just because it is protected by law, but because farmers are empowered to use it profitably and sustainably over the long term.

        No time to do this as I haven’t followed what Sen Kiko has done that closely, but maybe that should be looked into in more detail.

        • Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

          Senator Francis Pangilinan’s work addresses a central weakness in Philippine development policy: land is treated as a speculative asset rather than a strategic national resource. His legislative focus has been on keeping agricultural land productive by limiting reckless land conversion, strengthening farmer tenure, and aligning land use with food security rather than short-term real estate gains. This approach reflects a deliberate view of land policy—one that recognizes food production, rural livelihoods, and national resilience as public interests that markets alone will not protect.
          Pangilinan’s authorship of the Sagip Saka Act reinforces this logic by making agriculture economically viable, not merely legally protected. By allowing government institutions to buy directly from farmers’ cooperatives, the law reduces middlemen, stabilizes incomes, and strengthens the incentive to keep land agricultural. Crucially, Pangilinan also recognizes that protecting land is meaningless without people willing to farm it. Rather than relying on scholarships alone, he has pushed for alternatives that treat agriculture as an enterprise—combining skills training, access to capital, market guarantees, and cooperative agribusiness models to attract younger Filipinos. Taken together, these efforts align land policy, farmer welfare, and generational renewal, ensuring that Philippine land serves long-term national interests rather than drifting toward short-term speculation.

  4. kasambahay's avatar kasambahay says:

    idle people everywhere! in philippines people dont really have nowhere to hang around like pubs and bars where one must have money to buy drinks in order to be permitted to stay. it cost nothing to hang around neighborhoods and in street corners for a good yakka (talk) with friends, and to unwind after a hard day/s work, playing cards, gossiping, and whatnots. at home watching t.v. can be downright boring, house work can be depressing, and sleeping to while away the time may cause blood clots!

    people may look idle staring at the wall, but not really, their minds are busy thinking, observing, processing, weighting things up, etc. then they got epiphany!

    at saka, shouldnt really leave it to overseas filipinas the onus of child rearing. their partners, husbands, grandpas can very well do the rearing and may even be better at it! women these days dont really want kids, they want jobs, careers, money in the bank, have nice time with friends, go on vacation and travel the world. then save money for their own retirement.

    women cannot just depend on their husbands to provide for them. husbands do die, and some are faithless!

    • CV's avatar CV says:

      Ah, Kasambahay…I think you and I are kindred spirits!

      “idle people everywhere! in philippines people dont really have nowhere to hang around …” – Kasambahay

      I think Joey was referring to those you see during normal working hours.

      “people may look idle staring at the wall, but not really, their minds are busy thinking, observing, processing, weighting things up, etc. then they got epiphany!” – Kasambahay

      And what is that Epiphany? Someone with an offer for them to make some money – legally or illegally, eh? I’ve heard it said about us Pinoys – magaling sa kalokohan. Someone please translate “kalokohan.” (“fooling around?”)

      “women these days dont really want kids, they want jobs, careers, money in the bank, have nice time with friends, go on vacation and travel the world.” – Kasambahay

      And of course document it on FaceBook, right?

      “women these days dont really want kids, they want jobs, careers, money in the bank, have nice time with friends, go on vacation and travel the world.” – Kasambahay

      Here in the US, with the high cost of living, a two income family has been almost necessary for decades now, even back in the 80s.

      • kasambahay's avatar kasambahay says:

        want to know kalokohan, check senator bato de la rosa. nagtatago kahit walang warrant of arrest, sobrang takot na baka makulong sa hauge! for allegedly masterminding extra judicial killing in duterte’s war on drugs. utterly paranoid and remiss on his job too is bato. been hiding for nearly 4mos now. atong ang, the alleged mastermind of the missing 52dead sabungeros, has also gone hiding. and to think that bato once chaired the senate sabungeros inquiry and was dismissive of it, and now, both bato and atong ang have gone aground, idling both their time.

        • CV's avatar CV says:

          Thanks, Kasambahay….back in my day in the Philippines, when such things happened, we used to say “mayroon hindi na bayaran.” Then there would be all the commotion in the press and everywhere else…and then it would die down and be forgotten…kasi yung hindi na bayaran, ay nabayaran na. Even in the Marcos, Sr. situation where the nation was bankrupted. Cronies left the country and lay low for a while until matters were “resolved” and it was safe to come back.

          Not sure if it is still that way today. Back then I was young and very naive about such things. I just tried my best to make lemonade and stay out of trouble and survive.

          But I the goal here at TSOH is to remain positive and optimistic, take the wins where we can, small though they may be.

  5. Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

    Thanks for quality inputs guys

  6. CV's avatar CV says:

    “so I guess whatever has been done so far just isn’t enough yet.” – Irineo

    Probably…but I think if you research what has been done in the past, and mean going back as far as the 1970s and maybe even further back, you will find that there have been programs initiated by the government….but typically for whatever reason, they just don’t achieve the stated goals they set for themselves.
    Karl has talked about the lack of continuity from one administration to the next as one limiting factor. Then there is lack of integrated approach…too much “shot gun” style here and there, etc. etc.

    The New Testament teaches “If I cannot trust you with small things, how can I trust you with big things.” I believe if you examine the relatively small planning, implementation and follow through of various government programs in the areas that Joey recommends you will see the outcomes as mediocre at best, dismal at worst.

    So I guess we just keep on trying….and do our best to survive if not thrive.

    Do you remember Nick Joaquin’s “Our Heritage of Smallness?” So I guess we do things in a small way, which I am all for. My slogan for most of my adult life has been “Start small, think tall!” If I find can’t make something work at the “small” stage…then I don’t continue. I try something else.

    Looks like our government has a poor record of our small endeavors.

  7. Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

    yes

    Even big projects have pilots, dry run etc.

    Thanks

  8. Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

    Sabi ni Robin Padilla: He is a senator of the Philippines not the senate building.

    Ngyek.

    • Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

      Reply to KB regarding Bato’s absence

      • kasambahay's avatar kasambahay says:

        heto AI Overview:

        Yes, actor and politician

        Robin Padilla credited Kris Aquino—the youngest sister of former President Benigno “PNoy” Aquino III—with being instrumental in his success during the May 2022 Philippine senatorial elections. Despite running under a rival political party (UniTeam) to the Liberal Party aligned with the Aquinos, Padilla revealed that Kris Aquino actively supported his campaign. 

        Key details regarding this support:

        • Delivered Votes: In a Facebook post shortly after the election, Padilla expressed deep gratitude, stating, “Walang nakakaalam na may boto rin ako galing sa kampo ng mga Aquino… Kris Aquino delivered the Aquino Vote for me”.
        • “Please help Robin for me”: Padilla revealed that in the middle of the campaign, when he was worried about his survey rankings, Kris Aquino intervened. He stated that she called “matitinding governor, LGU officials at mga matataas na tao” (prominent governors, local officials, and high-ranking officials) who respect and are grateful to the Aquino family to ask them to support his candidacy.
        • Personal Support: Despite being part of the rival UniTeam, Padilla noted that Kris did not make his political affiliation an issue, asking supporters to “pls help Robin for me”.
        • Friendship Above Politics: Padilla emphasized that their long-standing friendship and their past romantic history (as former reel-and-real-life partners) were not affected by the political rivalry. 

        Robin Padilla went on to win the 2022 Senate race, landing the number one spot with over 26 million votes

        I dont know, karlG, but I think, kris aquino must be proud of her efforts! she nearly single handedly give us robin padilla. l

        ast I heard, robin padilla ask the faithful to pray for kris who is battling autoimmune disease.

  9. My suggestion let us himay the NLUA

    • Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

      A. Title & Scope
      Officially titled the “National Land Use Act.”

      B. Declaration of Principles & Policy
      The State shall pursue a rational, holistic, and just allocation, utilization, management, and development of land to promote sustainable socioeconomic development and ecological protection.

      C. Institutional Mechanism
      The bill creates a National Land Use Commission (NLUC) responsible for policy-making, integration, oversight, and resolving land use conflicts.

      D. Congressional Oversight
      A joint congressional oversight committee would be established to monitor the implementation of the Act once in force.

      E. Land Use Planning Framework
      A national land use plan is institutionalized, with corresponding regional and local land

      F. Funding and Implementation
      Initial implementation funds are provided and future funding is to be appropriated annually.

      Across recent pushes and discussions (House and Senate advocates), the proposed NaLUA commonly emphasizes:

      Protection of prime agricultural lands and food security
      Creation of an integrated national-to-local planning framework
      Institutionalization of a National Land Use Commission
      Incorporation of disaster risk reduction, climate change adaptation, and sustainable development principles
      Harmonization of existing land laws and conflict resolution mechanisms between national and local jurisdictions

      • Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

        I. Political–Economic Obstacles (Primary Blockers)
        1. Elite Capture & Property Interests
        Land use regulation directly threatens:
        Large landowners
        Real estate developers
        Agribusiness interests
        Politically connected families with mixed land portfolios
        A binding national land use law would:
        Restrict land conversion
        Impose zoning discipline
        Reduce discretionary reclassification at LGU and national levels
        ➡ Result: Silent but powerful opposition in the Senate, where landed elites are over-represented.
        2. Senate as the Structural “Kill Zone”
        Pattern across 15th–19th Congresses:
        Passed in the House
        Stalled in Senate committees
        No plenary sponsorship or committee report
        Reasons:
        Senators are national politicians with property, donor, and developer exposure
        Senate committees can bury bills indefinitely without a vote
        No penalty for inaction
        ➡ This is procedural veto without accountability.
        II. Institutional & Governance Obstacles
        3. Fear of Centralized Planning Authority
        The proposed National Land Use Commission (NLUC) is perceived as:
        Overriding DENR, DAR, DA, HUDCC/DHSUD, LGUs
        Reducing discretionary power of agencies and local executives
        Bureaucratic resistance includes:
        Turf wars
        Budget competition
        Loss of permit-issuing power
        ➡ Agencies prefer fragmented authority over coordinated discipline.
        4. LGU Resistance & Devolution Politics
        LGUs oppose NaLUA because it:
        Limits reclassification powers
        Overrides local Comprehensive Land Use Plans (CLUPs)
        Restricts revenue-driven land conversion
        Post-Mandanas context:
        LGUs have more money
        Less appetite for national constraints
        ➡ NaLUA is framed (often misleadingly) as anti-local autonomy.
        III. Legal & Structural Contradictions
        5. Fragmented Land Law Regime
        The Philippines already has:
        Public Land Act
        Agrarian Reform laws
        Forestry Code
        Fisheries Code
        IPRA
        Local Government Code
        NaLUA attempts to harmonize these—but:
        Each law has defenders
        Harmonization means winners and losers
        Legislators fear unintended legal consequences
        ➡ Easier to maintain chaos than impose coherence.
        6. Constitutional Sensitivities
        Concerns (often exaggerated but politically useful):
        Takings without just compensation
        Impairment of vested rights
        Indigenous land overlaps
        Jurisdictional conflicts
        ➡ Used as delay arguments, not genuine legal barriers.
        IV. Political Incentive Problems
        7. Low Electoral Payoff, High Political Cost
        NaLUA:
        Has no immediate, visible “ribbon-cutting” benefit
        Produces long-term gains (food security, DRR, climate resilience)
        Creates short-term losers (developers, speculators)
        ➡ Politicians avoid it because:
        “You lose allies today for benefits someone else will claim tomorrow.”
        8. SONA & Development Planning Disconnect
        As you correctly noted in earlier discussions:
        Medium- and long-term plans (PDP, NUP drafts) are not binding
        SONA focuses on projects, not institutional reform
        No requirement to report legislative non-performance
        ➡ NaLUA dies quietly because no accountability metric exists.
        V. Structural Corruption Risks (Unspoken but Central)
        9. Land Conversion as a Rent-Seeking Mechanism
        Without NaLUA:
        Land reclassification remains discretionary
        Permits become bargaining chips
        Zoning exceptions enable corruption
        NaLUA would:
        Reduce discretion
        Increase transparency
        Standardize classifications
        ➡ This threatens entrenched rent-seeking systems.
        VI. Summary Matrix: Why NaLUA Never Passes
        Obstacle
        Nature
        Effect
        Elite land interests
        Political-economic
        Silent Senate resistance
        Senate committee inertia
        Procedural
        Bill burial
        Agency turf wars
        Institutional
        Fragmented opposition
        LGU autonomy fears
        Political
        Local resistance
        Fragmented land laws
        Legal
        Reform paralysis
        Weak accountability
        Governance
        No cost to inaction
        Corruption incentives
        Structural
        Status quo preserved

        VII. Hard Truth (Policy Diagnosis)
        NaLUA does not fail because it is poorly designed.
        It fails because it is too effective at removing discretion, patronage, and rent extraction.

    • Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

      When we talk about development in the Philippines, we often focus on land—zoning for housing, industry, tourism, and agriculture. But for a country surrounded by water, land use planning alone is not enough. Our coastal communities, fishermen, and marine ecosystems are connected parts of a single system. That is why a new approach is needed: Integrated Spatial Planning (ISP) and Marine Spatial Planning (MSP).
      What Is Integrated Spatial Planning?
      Integrated Spatial Planning is the idea of planning land and sea together. Instead of having separate plans for coastal development, fishing, tourism, conservation, and infrastructure, ISP brings all of these into one coordinated strategy. Imagine a giant map that shows where each activity can take place—this helps prevent conflicts, protect resources, and support livelihoods.
      What Is Space Governance?
      Space governance is about who controls the map, who makes decisions, and how rules are enforced. It involves government agencies, local communities, and stakeholders like fisherfolk organizations. In short, it determines who gets to use what space and under what conditions.
      Why Not Just Use Land Use Planning?
      Land use planning is essential, but it only covers land. In the Philippines, our economy and livelihood also depend heavily on the sea. Fisheries, tourism, shipping, and even energy projects like offshore wind all take place in marine spaces. If we only plan for land, we ignore the sea entirely. This leads to:
      Conflicts between activities (e.g., fishing vs. tourism or shipping lanes)
      Loss of fishing grounds due to development without consultation
      Environmental destruction when sensitive marine ecosystems are damaged
      What Is Marine Spatial Planning?
      Marine Spatial Planning (MSP) is like land use planning but for the sea. It maps out different marine zones—fishing areas, conservation sites, shipping routes, and energy zones—and manages them based on science, sustainability, and community needs. The goal is to balance economic growth with environmental protection.
      How Will This Help Fishermen?
      MSP can bring real benefits to Filipino fishermen:
      Protected fishing zones that ensure access to traditional fishing grounds
      Reduced conflicts with tourism boats, shipping lanes, and energy projects
      Stronger fish stocks through well-managed marine protected areas
      More stable livelihoods through clear and consistent rules
      How Will Fishermen Know About This?
      For spatial planning to work, it must be inclusive and transparent. Fishermen must be informed and involved. Practical steps include:
      Barangay consultations where fishermen can share concerns
      Inclusion of fisherfolk organizations in planning committees
      Local radio announcements and community boards
      Simple, clear maps in local languages
      SMS alerts for updates and meetings
      Conclusion: The Sea Deserves a Plan Too
      The Philippines is a maritime nation. The sea is not just a border—it is a source of food, livelihood, and national wealth. Integrated Spatial Planning and Marine Spatial Planning are not merely technical concepts. They are tools for fairer, more sustainable development. If done correctly, MSP can transform how we manage our seas—making them more productive, more sustainable, and more just for the people who depend on them.

    • Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

      Integrated Spatial Planning (ISP) and Marine Spatial Planning (MSP) are powerful tools for protecting livelihoods, but they will only succeed if the people who depend on land and sea—farmers and fisherfolk—are informed and empowered. Information alone is not enough. Communities must also have the tools to participate, influence decisions, and defend their rights.
      How Will Farmers and Fisherfolk Know About It?
      Awareness must begin at the local level. Many rural communities do not have reliable internet access, so information must be delivered through methods that reach everyone:
      Barangay meetings where planners explain maps and zoning plans in simple language
      Local radio programs that discuss updates, meetings, and key decisions
      Community posters and bulletin boards placed in public areas
      Text message alerts (SMS) to notify residents about consultations
      Information drives by local government units (LGUs) and farmers’ organizations
      The key is to communicate in the local language, using simple maps and clear explanations. People should not be expected to understand complex planning documents without guidance.
      What Can They Do After Being Informed?
      Being informed is the first step. The next step is participation. Farmers and fisherfolk can take action in many ways:
      Join consultations and public hearings to ask questions and voice concerns
      Form or join farmers’ and fisherfolk organizations to strengthen their voice
      Submit written feedback or proposals to local planning councils
      Monitor and report violations when zoning rules are ignored
      Participate in community monitoring of protected areas and fishing zones
      How Can They Be Empowered?
      True empowerment means having the ability to influence decisions, not just receive information. This can happen through:
      Legal recognition of farmers’ and fisherfolk groups in planning bodies
      Training programs on basic spatial planning, rights, and environmental protection
      Access to legal and technical support from NGOs or government agencies
      Transparent and accessible mapping tools that communities can use themselves
      Community-based enforcement where residents help protect and manage zones
      Conclusion: Empowerment Means Participation
      Integrated Spatial Planning will only work if it includes the people it affects. Farmers and fisherfolk must be informed, included, and given the tools to act. When communities are empowered, they can help shape plans that protect their livelihoods, preserve the environment, and ensure sustainable development for future generations.

    • Karl Garcia's avatar Karl Garcia says:

      A strengthened and modernized AFMA (Agriculture and Fisheries Modernization Act) would integrate a comprehensive Blue Economy framework, explicitly defining the Philippines’ aquatic resources as strategic national assets and expanding AFMA’s scope beyond traditional agriculture and fisheries to include marine-based renewable energy, sustainable aquaculture, coastal tourism, maritime transport, and ocean biotechnology. This improved AFMA would mandate ecosystem-based management, marine spatial planning, and community-led coastal resource governance, while introducing incentives for blue-green investments, green shipbuilding, and climate-resilient infrastructure. Its IRR would operationalize clear blue economy governance structures, including a dedicated Blue Economy Council, standardized licensing and compliance systems, and a national data platform for ocean resources and maritime activities. This would ensure integrated policy implementation, streamlined permitting, and accountable monitoring, enabling the Philippines to responsibly harness ocean wealth while safeguarding marine biodiversity and coastal livelihoods.

Leave a comment