Let Us Do This Again: Securing the Future of Philippine Land
Karl Garcia
Having written extensively on space governance and the careful balance between exploration, resource use, and long-term sustainability, I approach the issue of Philippine land management with the same lens: the stakes are high, the resources finite, and the governance choices we make today will shape the possibilities of tomorrow. This reflection is not meant to be redundant, relentless, or pedantic, but rather to propose actionable paths forward in a context where land, agriculture, and coastal ecosystems face mounting pressures.
The Philippines stands at a critical juncture. Urban expansion, climate change, and the concentration of land in the hands of developers and investors pose challenges—but also present opportunities. With thoughtful frameworks, land that today is at risk of speculative or unsustainable use can instead become the foundation for resilient communities, productive agriculture, and thriving coastal ecosystems.
A robust National Land Use Act (NLUA) can provide clarity and consistency, guiding development while safeguarding agricultural zones, forests, and mangroves. Far from being restrictive, it can serve as a blueprint for investors and local governments, aligning economic growth with long-term ecological and social priorities.
Empowering communities is equally essential. Smallholder farmers, fisherfolk, and cooperatives can be recognized as stewards of productive land and coastal resources. Through land pooling, community-managed forestry, and incentive programs—such as payments for ecosystem services, carbon credits, or sustainable tourism—conservation becomes both viable and profitable, turning stewardship into opportunity.
Modern technology offers another transformative tool. Geospatial mapping, satellite monitoring, and public dashboards enable real-time tracking of land use, supporting transparency, informed decision-making, and accountability. Digital platforms can connect communities to markets, technical support, and finance, reinforcing sustainable practices while enhancing livelihoods.
Finally, innovative finance and public-private collaboration can accelerate impact. Green bonds, blended finance, and ESG-aligned investments can fund regenerative agriculture, mangrove restoration, and resilient infrastructure. Strategic partnerships ensure that development and ecological preservation are mutually reinforcing rather than competing priorities.
In conclusion, the challenge of land concentration and environmental pressure is significant—but the Philippines does not have to choose between growth and sustainability. By applying frameworks, community empowerment, technological tools, and forward-looking finance, we can transform risk into opportunity, securing productive lands, healthy ecosystems, and resilient coastal communities. Just as in space governance, the choices we make today define the horizon of possibilities tomorrow—intentional, strategic, and inclusive action can ensure that our resources benefit all generations.
I asked ChatGPT to put together a history of population, land titling and settlement in the Philippines and then summarize it, this seems pretty accurate and explains a lot of why all matters related to land over there are extremely messy.
rapid urbanization is fast encroaching and DENR is more or less an enabler, posing threat to land conservation. we have resorts opening within stones throw of protected land areas like the illegal resort at the foot of bohol’s chocolate hills. even matsunagi national park is going to boast restaurants, gift shops, hotels, etc, build within, and already local govt has given approval.
as well president marcos has given okay for foreigners, offering them land and parts of our country to lease for investment purposes.
Nice! Thanks a lot!
A lot of Philippine official policy documents contain “flowery words” for initiatives that haven’t even worked in a rich country like the US or a rich geopolitical grouping like the EU, so why would it work in the Philippines? I would rather stay away from buzz words and stick with the basics. Boil down things to two base general sectors, land-sea and “everything else,” then tie performance-driven incentive programs to each.
Here’s what I mean:
LAND/SEA:
1.) Create government-owned model farms, fisheries and forestries to provide a teachable example all can see. The models don’t need to be big; the model just needs to be able to show an example of the benefits of joining the government program.
2.) Agriculture – low-interest government-backed loans for mechanization, fertilizer, seed stock, and open up routes to new markets with roads with government-owned transport charging a reasonable transport fee.
3.) Fisheries – Pay fishermen to replant mangroves for storm resilience, shellfish and fish hatchling habitat. Diversify targeted species so near-surface/near-shore species are not depleted. There are many other fish species inhabiting deeper waters typical fisherfolk can’t exploit.
4.) Forestries – Implement and enforce anti-clear cutting policy. Pay small-scale forestries to replant fast-growing timber-producing tree species for later harvesting.
5.) Mining – Discourage “artisanal” mining, which is not only dangerous but inefficiently exploits the resource deposit. Encourage development of modern mining technique and equipment with low-interest loans.
EVERYTHING ELSE:
1.) Invest in infrastructure connecting raw material extraction sites to smelting/refining, to manufacturing, and so on.
2.) Attract private foreign investment to build some of their factories there. The factories should be placed in strategic locations nearby to resources and the manufacturing chain while being at midpoints between available workforce populations.
Focus should be more on “everything else” as it is not possible to have everyone become a farmer. In my recent trek through Mindanao, and now in Cebu, there are idle people everywhere who can become a potential workforce. The Philippines may not have a great social security safety net, but that just means that a handful of their family members now need to support the rest. Should the hardest working, most self-initiative taking Filipinos really be regulated to delaying forming their own families? It is a real problem that there are many Filipinas who age out of child-bearing age while they are supporting their families and therefore cannot teach the good habits they “evolved” to another generation (of their children).
so more on executive programs than the usual laws that are often without IRRs and if they are with IRRs are often incompletely implemented. Makes sense.
better give them something to do so they feel useful instead of calling them “inutil” like the likes of GRP do.
that could be one reason (aside from OFW parents being away from their kids and their kids being raised by grandparents plus social media) for the way Philippine society has changed over the past half-century, from a generally responsible attitude (with a touch of YOLO always, of course) to what it often is today.
I think most if not all of what Joey suggests be done have been done. Correct me if I am wrong.
I’d prefer not to tilt power too much towards one branch, which is what more executives programs would be in the absence of congressional direction.
Another thing is I’ve found that when I read laws passed by the Philippine Congress, the law reads more of an aspirational statement than a law. The Constitution is like this too. IRRs are only as effective as tools for the executive to implement a Congressionally-mandated law by breaking down a passed law into achievable chunks if 1.) each IRR has tightly defined objectives in service to achieving the greater law, and 2.) the IRR is based of of a realistically achievable larger goal which requires Congress to write better laws. Now there isn’t anything wrong with aspiration towards something, but there is a different between empty aspiration (i.e. messaging) and an aspiration that can become an actuality through applied effort. I guess keeping things within the constraints of what is realistic and maintaining the application of effort is where the Philippines often fails.
I am an advocate of bringing more jobs to people, teaching them the skills if needed for those jobs. The vast majority of these idle Filipinos are not even counted, as to be counted as an “unemployed” person that Filipino has to actively be looking for a job and/or have recently lost their job. I have a notion that this problem of a vast idle population is unacknowledged and to an extent treated as “I cannot see it, therefore it does not exist,” even when communities of such people exist within 10 minutes walk of most urban areas so how many more are in the “bukid?” There is a sense of active avoidance of the uncomfortable in the Philippines. But hey, these people vote as is their constitutional right. And they are a large part of why the Philippines is where she is today.
I don’t think it’s anything new that for many Filipino families women are expected to do everything from girlhood onward. It is not uncommon for example, a family I visited where the kuya was allowed to do whatever he wanted and then hitched up with a girl who already had children from two different men and now they have a baby which might not even be the his. The younger brother is likewise allowed to do whatever he wants, while the girls in the family are expected to do the chores, help with the family business, AND go to college. When the lolo spoke up on the matter that the boys should use the lolo’s support to be more responsible, he was shut down by the lola and other women in the family who made excuses like “the boy is tired,” “the boy is too thin,” and so on. That lolo recently died to my immense sadness when I visited his grave to pay my respects in Negros Oriental. In the traditional parts of Filipino society (i.e. the majority), the true enforcers and enablers are the womenfolk. But on the other hand, the womenfolk also hold the power to move the society forward. I agree with almost everything Paul has to say on this when he shares his experience with helping young girls in his community, so I wish he was around. Most of the people I help in the Philippines are also girls and young women, who tend to “stick with the program” more than the boys and young men.
While it is true that a lot of responsibility is passed to the women in the Philippines, I wonder if that gains them much respect in that society.
There is even a cultural tendency (a bit less pronounced in the middle class where men have to work a lot to earn a living) to see responsible men as weaklings, especially in the masa, just look at how PNoy was ridiculed while irresponsible Duterte was seen as almost magically strong.
The attitude of always looking for VP Leni when typhoons struck while President Duterte was exempt from that responsibility is the same attitude applied at national level also – you mentioned in another comment about how many once the meek become hambog once in power and I sometimes wonder if modesty and hard work is really valued in the Philippines or you are just told to be modest and work hard if you are seen as lower-ranking.
I think your question does not have a clear answer. As with many things in Philippine society the true answer is much more complicated and less than satisfyingly concise.
In general, I see Philippine society as a bisected one: a Philippines of the educated and the upper social classes, and a Philippines of everyone else. At times there are those who can move fluidly between the bisected society who act as an interface — usually these were originally members of the lower social classes who by backers or by determination have raised themselves up. The group of Filipinos I’m more interested in as not the educated, the affluent or the elites who are small in amalgamation, but the combined DE classes which is very large. A big mistake I think national politicians mostly tailor messaging to those like them, a relative minority, whereas they should instead look towards the majority.
The DE’s seem to me to also hold not-so-firm views on subjects like the place of women. Lolas, mothers and ates are often treated as reliable caretakers; sometimes even to the point as if they are a queen, which is great IMHO. This should be continued of course.
The problem is more on how men are not expected to have responsibility. Boys and men often have excuses made on their behalf. There is little expectation of accountability at home when it comes to boys. The common saying back before even your day of “boys will be boys” is still very much a thing and is sometimes said reflexively when I observed out loud how can so-and-so’s son become a decent man if he is always excused. Now of course generally males mentally mature at a later age than females, which is well-known in the field of psychology. But that is even more reason to put firm guardrails around boys and young men to guide them on a straighter path. Guardrails during a child’s development always requires adult figures to model positive traits like responsibility, courage, hard work, trustworthiness, accountability, and so on. If parents cannot act as a model to a child, then it means someone else must step in, usually a teacher, a mentor, a pastor, etc.
The other related problem I sense is the undercurrents of the old datu-ism. Of course, in the Philippine “middle ages” where real-life datus still existed work was only for women, indentured servants and slaves (both male and female). Pre-Spanish men were expected to be warriors who accompanied the datu to raid the neighboring barangay, which essentially was the next neighborhood over as the attacking barangay was also essentially a neighborhood. A very accomplished datu could raid across a strait or channel, which the Visayans were particularly famous for. While modern Filipino histories may view this is some kind of noble endeavor, that activity was essentially piracy, which is what others viewed it as. Yuan Chinese traveler Wang Dayuan observed the Visayans (Pisheye) as such, commenting that the inhabitants of Pisheye did not farm or produce any useful products, instead relying on raiding. In the present-day modern forms of raiding such as stealing from public coffers, stealing from “rich people” is still considered something great (unless one is caught). But I mean, cultures can evolve too (in the societal sense, not the anthropological). Clearly a large part of Philippine society is very capable of adapting. Not so sure about the evolution part for that same large section of society unless a particular Filipino is removed and placed within another society. Adapting can lead to evolving, but the former is not the same as the latter.
Well, sometimes culture traverses oceans and new societies as well. I just came back from inuman at a FIl-Am friend’s house and his wife went ballistic when she saw their daughter ask her new boyfriend to wash the dishes, berating the daughter in front of everyone. Afterward when I asked the friend’s wife to calm down, she told me that it is a “girl’s job” to wash the dishes, not the boy’s. They were originally from the D class, but they have already lived in the US for more than two decades. Well, the daughter evolved. So there is still hope in eventual generations.
that plus the UP-fostered idea that defying “elitists” somehow continues an “unfinished revolution”. Erap already being lionized by intellectuals was bad but still somehow comedic, while Duterte’s initial backing from parts of the Filipino Far Left and many other intellectuals and urban professionals was tragic.
the difference between the elites of the Third Republic and those of the Fifth Republic was I think that the former did NOT have to feel low-key ashamed of being for all the things that somehow became labelled as “Westernized elitism” by the time of the latter. I found it quite tragic that thought and opinion leaders like for example one MAJOR Rappler editor I criticized in the article below took part in low-key ridiculing VP Leni long before she became a candidate.
Before Duterte was voted into office, there were the likes of former anti-Imelda exile Carmen Navarro-Pedrosa praising Duterte as something like the “nail in the coffin of the post-colonial period”. TSOH’s Edgar Lores had one word for her back then “she’s bonkers”.
they can unfortunately evolve both forwards and backwards.
or maybe the mentality present-day DE have always was there, just more submerged as they had less of a voice when they had no choice but say “Yes Sir” in the times of the Third Republic but were thinking “tangina nila” all the time.
I sometimes have a sense of being in a similar position to the pied-noirs or former French colonists who can’t relate anymore to how Algeria/Morocco or former Indochina have become since they left, maybe the Third to Fifth Republic was indeed the post-colonial era and the DDS mindset always was the “real Filipino”, and the last rests of the Philippines that I grew up in will finally disappear from 2028 onwards when Sara Duterte becomes President.
Correct me if I’m wrong here, but didn’t large elements of the Philippine far-left initially support Marcos Sr. also, then were “late to the party” in opposing him? I seem to remember that some far-left groups were accused as being collaborators later. Joma was opposed to EDSA even though President Cory Aquino later released him. Well, the far-left progressively lost its intellectualism during the time of the Stalinist and Maoist purges. Hardly any far-leftist I’ve met nowadays can convey any meaningful passage of Marx, Lenin, Trotsky, Mao and so on, then proceed to argue with me on it when I have actually read and understood those writings. A lot of empty ideology, but one thing that hasn’t changed is their desire to “bore from within” via entryism to capitalize on issues or try to take over existing, stronger, political movements.
Just as I want to throw up when I read some blathering from a Filipino far-leftist about “Western Imperialism,” I equally want to vomit when I read in Jacobin (a major “socialist” but basically communist rag) when they write something about how a commune-based utopia can be created in the Philippines.
See here, where Jacobin derided Leni Robredo as a “neoliberal” even though in European terms she would be a progressive, and confidently predicted the Leody de Guzman and Walden Bello tandem would have a resounding win in 2022. de Guzman got 0.17% and Bello got 0.19%, lol.
https://jacobin.com/2022/03/philippines-social-democrats-communists-election-marcos-duterte-robredo
An important point to consider is there is a lot of discourse between Philippine and Western (mostly American) “intellectuals.” That discourse ALWAYS involves Western far-leftists highlighting some *amazing* far-left brown person from the “Global South” that agrees with all their points who is on the brink , because that person in the developing country eagerly had lapped up drivel from the Western far-left. Then the relationship goes the other way too before becoming a feedback loop. Just another variation of the White Savior and Noble Savage interplay.
As to evolving backwards as opposed to forwards, fortunately the backwards part usually involves something like “two steps forward, one step back,” so there is still some discernable progression if one looks at things in the grand scheme of things. The lifespan of a human is much too short to appreciate such things that we can’t observe (and realize) within our lifetimes. So that’s a more positive take on things. Things would go a lot faster though if Filipinos live by my personal motto of “don’t let the perfect get in the way of the good.”
1. LAND/SEA
What is Being Done
Agriculture
Government credit programs exist, such as the Agri-Agra Reform Credit Facility and other loan programs through DBP, LandBank, and local cooperatives.
Agricultural extension services are available through DA and local government units (LGUs), providing training and farm assistance.
Farmer cooperatives and cluster programs (e.g., ConVERGE, and other DA-supported programs) aim to improve productivity and market access.
Irrigation infrastructure is being developed and expanded through the National Irrigation Administration (NIA) and DA.
Fisheries
Marine protected areas (MPAs) and fish sanctuaries exist in various regions.
Fishery law enforcement efforts are conducted by BFAR and the Coast Guard.
Mangrove planting initiatives occur through local government programs, NGOs, and the DENR.
Forestry
Reforestation programs exist under DENR, including tree planting campaigns and protected area management.
Community-based forest management initiatives (CBFM) allow communities to manage forest areas under government supervision.
Mining
The government issues mining permits and licenses, and has regulations under the Philippine Mining Act.
Mining companies have modernized operations in some areas, particularly where international firms operate.
What Needs Improvement
Agriculture
Credit access is still weak for small farmers due to collateral requirements, documentation burdens, and high interest rates in practice.
Logistics and transport are fragmented. Farmers still rely on inefficient supply chains with high post-harvest losses.
Mechanization adoption remains low. Many farmers still rely on manual labor, limiting productivity.
Extension services are inconsistent and often underfunded, with limited follow-up monitoring.
Fisheries
MPAs are often not enforced effectively, leading to continued illegal fishing and habitat destruction.
Mangrove planting is inconsistent, and survival rates are often low due to lack of monitoring.
Overfishing persists, especially in nearshore waters.
Alternative livelihood programs are insufficient, leading to continued reliance on depleted fisheries.
Forestry
Illegal logging and land conversion continue due to weak enforcement and political interference.
Reforestation is often symbolic, with low survival rates and lack of long-term monitoring.
Community forestry is under-resourced, lacking technology and market access.
Mining
Artisanal mining remains prevalent, especially in regions with weak governance.
Environmental and safety standards are poorly enforced, leading to pollution and human hazards.
Modernization incentives are insufficient, and compliance is weak.
What Is Not Yet Done
Agriculture
Model farms and demonstration sites that are genuinely effective and visible across regions are not systematically established.
Government-owned transport systems that link farms to markets are not developed at scale.
Performance-based loans and subsidies with strict auditing are not consistently implemented.
Fisheries
Performance-based mangrove restoration programs with verified outcomes and payments are not mainstreamed.
Deep-water fishery diversification programs (beyond coastal fishing) are not widely supported.
Sustainable value chain integration for fisheries products is not fully developed.
Forestry
Commercial-scale sustainable forestry models that support small communities while producing marketable timber are not widespread.
Long-term reforestation monitoring and accountability mechanisms are not fully implemented.
Mining
Comprehensive phase-out of artisanal mining with replacement livelihoods is not fully implemented.
Modern mining technology programs with low-interest financing and enforced standards are not mainstream.
2. EVERYTHING ELSE
What is Being Done
Infrastructure
Major infrastructure programs exist under Build, Build, Build and the National Infrastructure Program (NIP).
Roads, airports, seaports, and rail projects are being built or expanded.
The National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) coordinates large infrastructure projects.
Industrialization
Special Economic Zones (SEZs) exist under PEZA.
The government offers investment incentives for foreign investors.
Industrial parks and manufacturing hubs are present in Luzon, Cebu, and some Mindanao areas.
Workforce and Skills
Technical education programs are provided through TESDA, and there are skills training programs in partnership with industry.
What Needs Improvement
Infrastructure
Many infrastructure projects still fail to connect production sites to ports and markets effectively.
Logistics costs remain high, particularly for agricultural and industrial goods.
There is insufficient investment in cold chain logistics, warehouses, and processing facilities.
Industrialization
Industrial development is still too centralized, mostly in Luzon, leaving Mindanao and the Visayas underdeveloped.
Manufacturing remains low-value, with limited movement toward high-tech or high-value industries.
Local supply chains are weak, so foreign investors rely heavily on imports instead of local inputs.
Workforce and Skills
Skills training is often not aligned with the needs of manufacturing and industry.
Workforce mismatch persists, meaning the available labor force is not always ready for modern industrial jobs.
What Is Not Yet Done
Infrastructure
Integrated supply-chain infrastructure that connects raw materials, processing facilities, and export ports is not yet complete.
Government-managed logistics hubs that link primary producers to manufacturers and exporters are not yet developed at scale.
Industrialization
A coherent industrial strategy linking raw materials to processing and manufacturing is not fully established.
The Philippines has not yet developed a clear plan for regional industrial hubs in Mindanao and the Visayas.
Foreign Investment
The Philippines has not yet created a systematic performance-based incentive scheme for foreign investors (e.g., incentives tied to employment and local supply chain development).
Job Absorption
The Philippines has not yet created enough high-productivity jobs to absorb the growing labor force, especially from rural areas.
Summary
What is being done
Credit programs exist
Infrastructure projects are ongoing
SEZs and investment incentives exist
MPAs and environmental programs exist
What needs improvement
Access to finance for small farmers
Logistics and transport for supply chains
Enforcement of fisheries and forestry laws
Modernization and regulation of mining
Industrial decentralization and workforce alignment
What is not yet done
Model farms and performance-based programs
Government-owned transport systems
Deep-water fisheries diversification
Integrated supply-chain infrastructure
Performance-based incentives for foreign investors
I asked ChatGPT what Sen. Pangilinan (whose focus in this legislative term is agriculture) is doing to solve issues raised here and got this:
I followed up with the question on what Sagip Saka Act is about, asking for a two para summary, and got this:
No time to do this as I haven’t followed what Sen Kiko has done that closely, but maybe that should be looked into in more detail.
Senator Francis Pangilinan’s work addresses a central weakness in Philippine development policy: land is treated as a speculative asset rather than a strategic national resource. His legislative focus has been on keeping agricultural land productive by limiting reckless land conversion, strengthening farmer tenure, and aligning land use with food security rather than short-term real estate gains. This approach reflects a deliberate view of land policy—one that recognizes food production, rural livelihoods, and national resilience as public interests that markets alone will not protect.
Pangilinan’s authorship of the Sagip Saka Act reinforces this logic by making agriculture economically viable, not merely legally protected. By allowing government institutions to buy directly from farmers’ cooperatives, the law reduces middlemen, stabilizes incomes, and strengthens the incentive to keep land agricultural. Crucially, Pangilinan also recognizes that protecting land is meaningless without people willing to farm it. Rather than relying on scholarships alone, he has pushed for alternatives that treat agriculture as an enterprise—combining skills training, access to capital, market guarantees, and cooperative agribusiness models to attract younger Filipinos. Taken together, these efforts align land policy, farmer welfare, and generational renewal, ensuring that Philippine land serves long-term national interests rather than drifting toward short-term speculation.
idle people everywhere! in philippines people dont really have nowhere to hang around like pubs and bars where one must have money to buy drinks in order to be permitted to stay. it cost nothing to hang around neighborhoods and in street corners for a good yakka (talk) with friends, and to unwind after a hard day/s work, playing cards, gossiping, and whatnots. at home watching t.v. can be downright boring, house work can be depressing, and sleeping to while away the time may cause blood clots!
people may look idle staring at the wall, but not really, their minds are busy thinking, observing, processing, weighting things up, etc. then they got epiphany!
at saka, shouldnt really leave it to overseas filipinas the onus of child rearing. their partners, husbands, grandpas can very well do the rearing and may even be better at it! women these days dont really want kids, they want jobs, careers, money in the bank, have nice time with friends, go on vacation and travel the world. then save money for their own retirement.
women cannot just depend on their husbands to provide for them. husbands do die, and some are faithless!
Ah, Kasambahay…I think you and I are kindred spirits!
“idle people everywhere! in philippines people dont really have nowhere to hang around …” – Kasambahay
I think Joey was referring to those you see during normal working hours.
“people may look idle staring at the wall, but not really, their minds are busy thinking, observing, processing, weighting things up, etc. then they got epiphany!” – Kasambahay
And what is that Epiphany? Someone with an offer for them to make some money – legally or illegally, eh? I’ve heard it said about us Pinoys – magaling sa kalokohan. Someone please translate “kalokohan.” (“fooling around?”)
“women these days dont really want kids, they want jobs, careers, money in the bank, have nice time with friends, go on vacation and travel the world.” – Kasambahay
And of course document it on FaceBook, right?
“women these days dont really want kids, they want jobs, careers, money in the bank, have nice time with friends, go on vacation and travel the world.” – Kasambahay
Here in the US, with the high cost of living, a two income family has been almost necessary for decades now, even back in the 80s.
want to know kalokohan, check senator bato de la rosa. nagtatago kahit walang warrant of arrest, sobrang takot na baka makulong sa hauge! for allegedly masterminding extra judicial killing in duterte’s war on drugs. utterly paranoid and remiss on his job too is bato. been hiding for nearly 4mos now. atong ang, the alleged mastermind of the missing 52dead sabungeros, has also gone hiding. and to think that bato once chaired the senate sabungeros inquiry and was dismissive of it, and now, both bato and atong ang have gone aground, idling both their time.
Thanks, Kasambahay….back in my day in the Philippines, when such things happened, we used to say “mayroon hindi na bayaran.” Then there would be all the commotion in the press and everywhere else…and then it would die down and be forgotten…kasi yung hindi na bayaran, ay nabayaran na. Even in the Marcos, Sr. situation where the nation was bankrupted. Cronies left the country and lay low for a while until matters were “resolved” and it was safe to come back.
Not sure if it is still that way today. Back then I was young and very naive about such things. I just tried my best to make lemonade and stay out of trouble and survive.
But I the goal here at TSOH is to remain positive and optimistic, take the wins where we can, small though they may be.
Thanks for quality inputs guys
“so I guess whatever has been done so far just isn’t enough yet.” – Irineo
Probably…but I think if you research what has been done in the past, and mean going back as far as the 1970s and maybe even further back, you will find that there have been programs initiated by the government….but typically for whatever reason, they just don’t achieve the stated goals they set for themselves.
Karl has talked about the lack of continuity from one administration to the next as one limiting factor. Then there is lack of integrated approach…too much “shot gun” style here and there, etc. etc.
The New Testament teaches “If I cannot trust you with small things, how can I trust you with big things.” I believe if you examine the relatively small planning, implementation and follow through of various government programs in the areas that Joey recommends you will see the outcomes as mediocre at best, dismal at worst.
So I guess we just keep on trying….and do our best to survive if not thrive.
Do you remember Nick Joaquin’s “Our Heritage of Smallness?” So I guess we do things in a small way, which I am all for. My slogan for most of my adult life has been “Start small, think tall!” If I find can’t make something work at the “small” stage…then I don’t continue. I try something else.
Looks like our government has a poor record of our small endeavors.
yes
Even big projects have pilots, dry run etc.
Thanks
Sabi ni Robin Padilla: He is a senator of the Philippines not the senate building.
Ngyek.
Reply to KB regarding Bato’s absence
heto AI Overview:
Yes, actor and politician
Robin Padilla credited Kris Aquino—the youngest sister of former President Benigno “PNoy” Aquino III—with being instrumental in his success during the May 2022 Philippine senatorial elections. Despite running under a rival political party (UniTeam) to the Liberal Party aligned with the Aquinos, Padilla revealed that Kris Aquino actively supported his campaign.
Key details regarding this support:
Robin Padilla went on to win the 2022 Senate race, landing the number one spot with over 26 million votes
I dont know, karlG, but I think, kris aquino must be proud of her efforts! she nearly single handedly give us robin padilla. l
ast I heard, robin padilla ask the faithful to pray for kris who is battling autoimmune disease.
Kundi lang matindi ang sakit ni Kris Aquino baka higit pa sa Grrrr ang sasabihin ko.
I have exactly the same feeling!
My suggestion let us himay the NLUA
A. Title & Scope
Officially titled the “National Land Use Act.”
B. Declaration of Principles & Policy
The State shall pursue a rational, holistic, and just allocation, utilization, management, and development of land to promote sustainable socioeconomic development and ecological protection.
C. Institutional Mechanism
The bill creates a National Land Use Commission (NLUC) responsible for policy-making, integration, oversight, and resolving land use conflicts.
D. Congressional Oversight
A joint congressional oversight committee would be established to monitor the implementation of the Act once in force.
E. Land Use Planning Framework
A national land use plan is institutionalized, with corresponding regional and local land
F. Funding and Implementation
Initial implementation funds are provided and future funding is to be appropriated annually.
Across recent pushes and discussions (House and Senate advocates), the proposed NaLUA commonly emphasizes:
Protection of prime agricultural lands and food security
Creation of an integrated national-to-local planning framework
Institutionalization of a National Land Use Commission
Incorporation of disaster risk reduction, climate change adaptation, and sustainable development principles
Harmonization of existing land laws and conflict resolution mechanisms between national and local jurisdictions
I. Political–Economic Obstacles (Primary Blockers)
1. Elite Capture & Property Interests
Land use regulation directly threatens:
Large landowners
Real estate developers
Agribusiness interests
Politically connected families with mixed land portfolios
A binding national land use law would:
Restrict land conversion
Impose zoning discipline
Reduce discretionary reclassification at LGU and national levels
➡ Result: Silent but powerful opposition in the Senate, where landed elites are over-represented.
2. Senate as the Structural “Kill Zone”
Pattern across 15th–19th Congresses:
Passed in the House
Stalled in Senate committees
No plenary sponsorship or committee report
Reasons:
Senators are national politicians with property, donor, and developer exposure
Senate committees can bury bills indefinitely without a vote
No penalty for inaction
➡ This is procedural veto without accountability.
II. Institutional & Governance Obstacles
3. Fear of Centralized Planning Authority
The proposed National Land Use Commission (NLUC) is perceived as:
Overriding DENR, DAR, DA, HUDCC/DHSUD, LGUs
Reducing discretionary power of agencies and local executives
Bureaucratic resistance includes:
Turf wars
Budget competition
Loss of permit-issuing power
➡ Agencies prefer fragmented authority over coordinated discipline.
4. LGU Resistance & Devolution Politics
LGUs oppose NaLUA because it:
Limits reclassification powers
Overrides local Comprehensive Land Use Plans (CLUPs)
Restricts revenue-driven land conversion
Post-Mandanas context:
LGUs have more money
Less appetite for national constraints
➡ NaLUA is framed (often misleadingly) as anti-local autonomy.
III. Legal & Structural Contradictions
5. Fragmented Land Law Regime
The Philippines already has:
Public Land Act
Agrarian Reform laws
Forestry Code
Fisheries Code
IPRA
Local Government Code
NaLUA attempts to harmonize these—but:
Each law has defenders
Harmonization means winners and losers
Legislators fear unintended legal consequences
➡ Easier to maintain chaos than impose coherence.
6. Constitutional Sensitivities
Concerns (often exaggerated but politically useful):
Takings without just compensation
Impairment of vested rights
Indigenous land overlaps
Jurisdictional conflicts
➡ Used as delay arguments, not genuine legal barriers.
IV. Political Incentive Problems
7. Low Electoral Payoff, High Political Cost
NaLUA:
Has no immediate, visible “ribbon-cutting” benefit
Produces long-term gains (food security, DRR, climate resilience)
Creates short-term losers (developers, speculators)
➡ Politicians avoid it because:
“You lose allies today for benefits someone else will claim tomorrow.”
8. SONA & Development Planning Disconnect
As you correctly noted in earlier discussions:
Medium- and long-term plans (PDP, NUP drafts) are not binding
SONA focuses on projects, not institutional reform
No requirement to report legislative non-performance
➡ NaLUA dies quietly because no accountability metric exists.
V. Structural Corruption Risks (Unspoken but Central)
9. Land Conversion as a Rent-Seeking Mechanism
Without NaLUA:
Land reclassification remains discretionary
Permits become bargaining chips
Zoning exceptions enable corruption
NaLUA would:
Reduce discretion
Increase transparency
Standardize classifications
➡ This threatens entrenched rent-seeking systems.
VI. Summary Matrix: Why NaLUA Never Passes
Obstacle
Nature
Effect
Elite land interests
Political-economic
Silent Senate resistance
Senate committee inertia
Procedural
Bill burial
Agency turf wars
Institutional
Fragmented opposition
LGU autonomy fears
Political
Local resistance
Fragmented land laws
Legal
Reform paralysis
Weak accountability
Governance
No cost to inaction
Corruption incentives
Structural
Status quo preserved
VII. Hard Truth (Policy Diagnosis)
NaLUA does not fail because it is poorly designed.
It fails because it is too effective at removing discretion, patronage, and rent extraction.
When we talk about development in the Philippines, we often focus on land—zoning for housing, industry, tourism, and agriculture. But for a country surrounded by water, land use planning alone is not enough. Our coastal communities, fishermen, and marine ecosystems are connected parts of a single system. That is why a new approach is needed: Integrated Spatial Planning (ISP) and Marine Spatial Planning (MSP).
What Is Integrated Spatial Planning?
Integrated Spatial Planning is the idea of planning land and sea together. Instead of having separate plans for coastal development, fishing, tourism, conservation, and infrastructure, ISP brings all of these into one coordinated strategy. Imagine a giant map that shows where each activity can take place—this helps prevent conflicts, protect resources, and support livelihoods.
What Is Space Governance?
Space governance is about who controls the map, who makes decisions, and how rules are enforced. It involves government agencies, local communities, and stakeholders like fisherfolk organizations. In short, it determines who gets to use what space and under what conditions.
Why Not Just Use Land Use Planning?
Land use planning is essential, but it only covers land. In the Philippines, our economy and livelihood also depend heavily on the sea. Fisheries, tourism, shipping, and even energy projects like offshore wind all take place in marine spaces. If we only plan for land, we ignore the sea entirely. This leads to:
Conflicts between activities (e.g., fishing vs. tourism or shipping lanes)
Loss of fishing grounds due to development without consultation
Environmental destruction when sensitive marine ecosystems are damaged
What Is Marine Spatial Planning?
Marine Spatial Planning (MSP) is like land use planning but for the sea. It maps out different marine zones—fishing areas, conservation sites, shipping routes, and energy zones—and manages them based on science, sustainability, and community needs. The goal is to balance economic growth with environmental protection.
How Will This Help Fishermen?
MSP can bring real benefits to Filipino fishermen:
Protected fishing zones that ensure access to traditional fishing grounds
Reduced conflicts with tourism boats, shipping lanes, and energy projects
Stronger fish stocks through well-managed marine protected areas
More stable livelihoods through clear and consistent rules
How Will Fishermen Know About This?
For spatial planning to work, it must be inclusive and transparent. Fishermen must be informed and involved. Practical steps include:
Barangay consultations where fishermen can share concerns
Inclusion of fisherfolk organizations in planning committees
Local radio announcements and community boards
Simple, clear maps in local languages
SMS alerts for updates and meetings
Conclusion: The Sea Deserves a Plan Too
The Philippines is a maritime nation. The sea is not just a border—it is a source of food, livelihood, and national wealth. Integrated Spatial Planning and Marine Spatial Planning are not merely technical concepts. They are tools for fairer, more sustainable development. If done correctly, MSP can transform how we manage our seas—making them more productive, more sustainable, and more just for the people who depend on them.
Integrated Spatial Planning (ISP) and Marine Spatial Planning (MSP) are powerful tools for protecting livelihoods, but they will only succeed if the people who depend on land and sea—farmers and fisherfolk—are informed and empowered. Information alone is not enough. Communities must also have the tools to participate, influence decisions, and defend their rights.
How Will Farmers and Fisherfolk Know About It?
Awareness must begin at the local level. Many rural communities do not have reliable internet access, so information must be delivered through methods that reach everyone:
Barangay meetings where planners explain maps and zoning plans in simple language
Local radio programs that discuss updates, meetings, and key decisions
Community posters and bulletin boards placed in public areas
Text message alerts (SMS) to notify residents about consultations
Information drives by local government units (LGUs) and farmers’ organizations
The key is to communicate in the local language, using simple maps and clear explanations. People should not be expected to understand complex planning documents without guidance.
What Can They Do After Being Informed?
Being informed is the first step. The next step is participation. Farmers and fisherfolk can take action in many ways:
Join consultations and public hearings to ask questions and voice concerns
Form or join farmers’ and fisherfolk organizations to strengthen their voice
Submit written feedback or proposals to local planning councils
Monitor and report violations when zoning rules are ignored
Participate in community monitoring of protected areas and fishing zones
How Can They Be Empowered?
True empowerment means having the ability to influence decisions, not just receive information. This can happen through:
Legal recognition of farmers’ and fisherfolk groups in planning bodies
Training programs on basic spatial planning, rights, and environmental protection
Access to legal and technical support from NGOs or government agencies
Transparent and accessible mapping tools that communities can use themselves
Community-based enforcement where residents help protect and manage zones
Conclusion: Empowerment Means Participation
Integrated Spatial Planning will only work if it includes the people it affects. Farmers and fisherfolk must be informed, included, and given the tools to act. When communities are empowered, they can help shape plans that protect their livelihoods, preserve the environment, and ensure sustainable development for future generations.
A strengthened and modernized AFMA (Agriculture and Fisheries Modernization Act) would integrate a comprehensive Blue Economy framework, explicitly defining the Philippines’ aquatic resources as strategic national assets and expanding AFMA’s scope beyond traditional agriculture and fisheries to include marine-based renewable energy, sustainable aquaculture, coastal tourism, maritime transport, and ocean biotechnology. This improved AFMA would mandate ecosystem-based management, marine spatial planning, and community-led coastal resource governance, while introducing incentives for blue-green investments, green shipbuilding, and climate-resilient infrastructure. Its IRR would operationalize clear blue economy governance structures, including a dedicated Blue Economy Council, standardized licensing and compliance systems, and a national data platform for ocean resources and maritime activities. This would ensure integrated policy implementation, streamlined permitting, and accountable monitoring, enabling the Philippines to responsibly harness ocean wealth while safeguarding marine biodiversity and coastal livelihoods.