The Philippines is the center of Asia, which is the center of the world
Analysis and Opinion
By Joe America
You must rid yourself of the notion that the most important nation on the planet has to be rich, honest, or even competent. It does not. It just has to be at the right place at the right time.
China is going to try to conquer the Philippines within the next 10 years. This does not require occupation of the land, it requires occupation of the seas and government’s greedy little minds.
Oh, much of the Middle East is a part of Asia, and so is India and a lot of Russia. But no one is trying to take them over. They are static, set in cement. The Philippines is fluid, malleable, adrift in its peculiar lack of honesty, direction, and wealth. The US is retreating into itself like socks rolled up and tossed onto a shelf in the closet.
The fate of planet earth can be said to reside in Manila, right there on the Pasig, and we are the fools or geniuses who get to decide which way she rolls.
Haha, it’s quite astounding. Most intelligence on earth resides other places, holed up within the walls of great universities of Europe or in Wikipedia, lol. It does not reside in the Philippines where citizens are fully occupied being resilient, and are not engaged in the macro world, the macaroni, of global politics, power, and greed.
China is not backing off. Especially now that the US has become a total clown show run by lunatics and air-brained monsters who prey on the vulnerable, even children. China is busy squeezing Filipinos out of their seas, building outposts for their natives in Manila Bay, running our electrical grid, spying on AFP bases, and inserting themselves like tapeworms into the minds, values, and greed of Philippine politicians.
The Philippines is where the action is. It’s reporters understand when they imbed themselves on a Coast Guard ship to watch China’s bad behavior. Its newspaper columnists understand when they witness the pro-China tilt of the Dutertes and their captured minions like Dela Rosa, Padilla, Marcoleta, Tiglao, Roque, and any number of people to whom the Philippines is a plastic bag to be tossed out the bus window to the highest bidder.
Alas, the rational people of the opposition are themselves tribal, unable to unite as a force for sense, honesty, patriotism and productivity. They wear their colors like so many bowerbirds decorating their nests to attract voters.
They are totally oblivious to the idea that the Philippines is really really important to the rest of the world and are unable to chart a destiny that saves their grandkids and great grandkids from the shame of letting China become the last colonizer.
_________________________
Cover photograph of a bowerbird’s nest from nextnature.org article “Bowerbirds’ Plastic Love Nest“.
The Society of Honor by Joe America 
Can i share this sir?
Yes, anytime, June. Thanks.
The Philippines is worth dying for.
Dying can be prevented if we defend and secure it well.
Sec def is doing the right thing that should be a template for succesors.
End user thinga ma bobs like fighter jets for instance, with out a clear end user contract will make our assets displays and supplier dictated use.
Procuring entire infrastructure or packages for systems which some cannot function fully if left standing alone.
I also like his cyber security pronouncements.
The succesor only needs to follow through on the future proofing.
We are not just blocking the way for the Indo-Pacific, we are the way. Gatekeepers we are.
If the Arctic is the next big place, weshould find our place as well.
That’s the military aspect, and I agree entirely. Politically, though, the Senate is not on the same course. China has made gains there, and 2028 is coming fast. So that’s the big issue. Do Filipino voters see what’s happening? I think not.
Your bookie Sal (yes he visited me recently) told me that 96% of Filipinos still have a mindset similar to back in 1521, when only what actually appears on your shore matters to you. That time still went well but not even 1568-1571 did, eventually. As for Senators, some might be at the same stage as Aguinaldo in 1898, who had Dewey take him home from Hong Kong, thinking he could play one upcoming power against a (in that case) receding one. His plans didn’t really go too well. Others might be at the stage of some Filipino leaders in 1942, believing that an ally out of the neighborhood might be better, never mind if they like to slap Filipinos. Part of the left might still be stuck in the 1970s, some nationalists maybe in 1991.
Your article very clearly looks at the PRESENT. And at one possible near future in the Multiverse of Philippine timelines, one timeline that can still be changed.
Ah, well stated, indeed. Well, Sal inspires the best in others when he finds time to crawl out of the bottle to share his wisdoms. Aguinaldo did face big decisions and America played him like a fiddle. China is the fiddler these days, and America is behaving like a corrupt and spent empire.
Maybe this time Trillanes is correct in gunning for Senator Risa Hontveos for going against Sara.
He is a part of the Isko Moreno cabal, I think, and has gone a bit politically rogue. He is a calculator and may need a battery refresh. He likes Hontiveros because she engages whereas Robredo does not. I’m not sure of Hontiveros’ winnability or ability to attract big money. Sara Duterte seems to have winnability even if she is loopy. Puzzling.
Favorite line of NH from the King and I, Whst a puzzlement!
it’s the holy spiri! sigaw ni bato de la rosa, the holy spirit has been his whisper buddy, and been thanked profusely by bato for sara’s non event impeachment.
sara winning in 2028, would have been the work of bato’s holy spirit too. apparently bato is not praying well enough and hard enough for the holy spirit to spirit duterte away from the clutches of the hauge. and the holy spirit must taken a turn at mischief at pinagsabung sina kaufman, duterte’s ICC lawyer vs fugitive roque and honeylet, duterte’s common law wife. the gang of two sabungeros are allegedly plotting to sue dutch government for the illegal duterte detention, bypassing ICC, much to the displeasure of prime ICC sabungero kaufman.
I look forward to seeing who wins the roque and kaufman sabung, and hope no one else ends up in the lake!
Ha! That’s where I picked it up, no doubt.
Hears his latest interview. He just wants the present to be to show interest and preparedness and wanting to be forced to run.
Re: Trillanes
Welcome – next step, I have found ChatGPT useful to parse how a) business leaders and the middle class view the US vs. China and b) how the new middle class are brainwashed by resentment into sympathy for pro-China narratives. Starting with a)
“The landscape of the Filipino business world and middle class is characterized by a complex interplay of pro-Western/pro-American and anti-Western/pro-Chinese alignments, shaped by historical ties, economic interests, geopolitical realities, and cultural factors. Here’s an analytical overview of both camps:
1. Pro-Western / Pro-American Groups
Who they are:
Traditional elites and old business families: Many of the country’s wealthiest clans (e.g., Ayala, Zobel, Aboitiz) have historical ties to the U.S. and Europe. They were educated in the West, have Western business practices, and favor liberal-democratic norms.
Urban middle class professionals: Especially those in Manila, Cebu, and Davao. This includes BPO workers, overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) with ties to the U.S., professionals, doctors, lawyers, and corporate employees.
Civil society, NGOs, and some media outlets: Often receive funding or training from U.S. or European partners.
Motivations and worldview:
Historical affinity: The U.S. colonized the Philippines, and despite the colonial baggage, the relationship left a deep imprint — English language, U.S.-style education, legal system, and military ties.
Economic interests: The U.S. and Western countries remain major investors, trading partners, and providers of higher education. Western firms dominate the BPO industry, a pillar of the middle class.
Geopolitical alignment: They view the U.S. as a guarantor of regional security against China’s aggression in the West Philippine Sea.
Values: Often aligned with liberal democratic ideals—rule of law, human rights, market economy.
Key Characteristics:
Critical of authoritarianism (e.g., Duterte, Marcos Jr. to an extent).
Supportive of U.S. military presence and alliances (e.g., EDCA, Visiting Forces Agreement).
Favor meritocracy, institutional stability, and transparency.
More globalist and cosmopolitan in outlook.
2. Anti-Western / Pro-Chinese Groups
Who they are:
New business elites and entrepreneurs: Some Chinese-Filipino tycoons and newer entrepreneurs with growing trade ties with China.
Populist political allies and patrons: Leaders aligned with Duterte and Marcos Jr. who advocate a “friend to all, enemy to none” foreign policy—often subtly pro-China.
Lower-middle-class populists: Some see China as a counterbalance to perceived U.S. hypocrisy or historical imperialism.
Leftist-nationalist segments: Traditional Marxist-Leninist and nationalist groups who oppose U.S. imperialism and advocate regional autonomy or independence from Western dictates.
Motivations and worldview:
Economic pragmatism: China is a growing economic power, offering massive infrastructure investment (via Belt and Road), soft loans, and trade opportunities. These are attractive to officials and businesses seeking rapid development without Western conditionalities.
Nationalism: Some view U.S. influence as neocolonial. Pro-China sentiment often pairs with calls for Philippine sovereignty, though paradoxically this may ignore China’s actions in the West Philippine Sea.
Political expediency: Aligning with China is sometimes used to counter Western pressure on human rights or corruption issues.
Key Characteristics:
Favor state-led development and infrastructure (e.g., “Build, Build, Build” initiative).
Often downplay China’s incursions in the West Philippine Sea or frame them as manageable through diplomacy.
Less concerned with Western-style liberal democracy; sometimes tolerant of authoritarian governance models.
Engage in transactional diplomacy: “who gives us more now, wins.”
Tensions and Dynamics
Class-Based Divides:
The upper middle class and elites tend to be pro-Western, while some emerging business interests and populist-leaning groups see China as a new source of wealth and power.
OFWs, especially in the U.S., Canada, and Europe, are culturally and economically tied to the West—making them generally skeptical of China.
Geopolitical Struggles:
The Philippines is a battleground of soft power between the U.S. and China.
Each side supports business interests, infrastructure projects, and political narratives that align with their global strategy.
Media and Disinformation:
Pro-China narratives often thrive in Facebook-driven disinformation spaces, promoting ideas of U.S. betrayal or decline.
Pro-Western groups often rely on traditional journalism, think tanks, and academia.
Conclusion
The divide between pro-Western and pro-Chinese camps in the Philippines is not purely ideological; it reflects practical concerns about security, economic development, class interests, and sovereignty. While the U.S. retains strong soft power among elites and the educated middle class, China’s growing economic reach and pragmatic diplomacy have made inroads—especially where infrastructure and elite patronage are involved.
The balance between these camps will likely continue to shift based on global trends (e.g., U.S.-China rivalry), domestic political developments, and the credibility of each power’s actions in the region—especially concerning the West Philippine Sea and investment delivery.”
Then there’s b)
“..there is a notable but nuanced subset of BPO workers and OFWs who are critical of the West, resentful of old elites, sympathetic to China, and aligned with Duterte-style populism (DDS — Duterte Die-hard Supporters). This group represents a complex intersection of economic pragmatism, populist nationalism, and cultural resentment, rather than a fully coherent ideology.
1. Who They Are:
Lower to mid-tier BPO employees (call center agents, tech support, back-office workers) who feel overworked, underpaid, and alienated despite working for Western firms.
OFWs in Asia or the Middle East (especially in Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, UAE) who lack strong personal or emotional ties to the West, and often experience difficult labor conditions without Western labor protections.
Social media-savvy but economically precarious individuals, often immersed in Facebook/Youtube-driven populist narratives.
2. Core Sentiments and Motivations:
Anti-Western Sentiments:
Perceived hypocrisy of the West: Many view Western countries as talking about “human rights” while allowing wars, colonialism, or discrimination.
Frustration with Western companies: Some BPO workers feel exploited by multinational firms headquartered in the U.S., UK, or Australia.
Cultural dissonance: The push to emulate Western language, culture, and work ethic in BPO jobs can breed resentment when it doesn’t translate into real respect or upward mobility.
Resentment of Old Elites:
They see traditional elite families (e.g., Ayalas, Zobels) as aloof and benefitting from globalization while regular workers struggle.
Link these families with ‘dilawan’ (liberal opposition) politics and believe they ignore the needs of the poor or working class.
View elite-led media and NGOs as out-of-touch or even traitorous for ‘attacking’ popular leaders like Duterte.
Pro-China Leanings (More Pragmatic than Ideological):
Admire China’s economic rise and authoritarian efficiency (“discipline,” infrastructure, fast growth).
Buy into narratives that China offers help without interference — in contrast to the West’s “lecturing.”
Some believe China provides better job and investment prospects, especially in areas ignored by the Manila-centric elite.
That said, this pro-China stance is often selective and shallow — they might still express concern about Chinese illegal workers, drugs, or aggression in the West Philippine Sea, but rationalize it as manageable under strong Filipino leadership (e.g., Duterte).
3. Alignment with DDS (Duterte Die-hard Supporters):
See Duterte as anti-elite, pro-worker, and willing to stand up to the West (e.g., cutting ties with U.S. military, railing against UN human rights bodies).
Embrace tough talk, nationalist rhetoric, and “order over freedom” narratives.
Support policies like war on drugs, China-funded infrastructure, and distancing from Western NGOs/media.
Strong presence on Facebook, TikTok, YouTube, where DDS-aligned influencers blur anti-West, pro-China, and pro-populist sentiments.
4. Social Media and Disinformation Role:
This group is often shaped by algorithm-driven echo chambers:
Pro-Duterte vloggers push narratives like ‘the U.S. just uses us,’ ‘China respects us more,’ ‘Dilawan elites sold us out,’ etc.
News is consumed in memes, short clips, or emotional content — reinforcing distrust of traditional Western-style journalism.
5. Contradictions and Limitations:
Not ideologically consistent: They might cheer Duterte’s pivot to China but still want to migrate to the U.S. or work for U.S. firms.
Often emotionally rather than strategically anti-West — shaped more by frustration and perceived disrespect than geopolitical reasoning.
Limited class consciousness: Their anger is directed more at specific elite figures or institutions than at systemic economic inequality.
Conclusion:
Yes, such a group exists — a hybrid of working-class populism, cultural resentment, and geopolitical reorientation, particularly drawn to the DDS narrative. While not a majority, they are influential in online discourse and politically significant in terms of voter support for populist, pro-China, or anti-elite politicians. Their views are driven less by strategic alignment with China and more by disillusionment with the status quo, nationalism, and a yearning for dignity and recognition.”
AI is a freaking power tool if used properly. I might yet prompt Google Gemini Deep Research to look deeper into these aspects at some point.
That is a nice overview of the landscape. I’m inclined to think most voters do not have deep values or understandings that allow them to understand how they hurt their own opportunities by voting for idiots, so we are rather locked into populists and opportunists who have little patriotic fiber. President Marcos is driven to be a decent president because he does not like carrying the Marcos name as a scoundrel. It will be fascinating to see how this plays out in 2028. His arch critics like Riassa Robles are likely to make Sara Duterte president if they can’t develop a bigger picture.
raissa said never again and her best selling book reiterated never again, but voters said never say never! and marcos won.
That’s true, but if Marcos is doing good works and can usher in a decent president in 2028, why undermine that and end up with a Marcos by a different name? Seems to be a bad result to me, to let anger overrule sense.
It isn’t anger. And your sense is based on an “if”… In my opinion, your hypothesis is not on solid ground.
Okay, CV. Does “pain” work better? I’m not sure what my hypothesis is. The anti-Marcos criticisms come from two main sources: EDSA elders such as yourself and Riassa Robles, and Duterte backers with China in the background. What would you suggest motivates each of these two groups?
“Okay, CV. Does ‘pain’ work better?” Try CRITICAL THINKING. That works better.
Critical thinking typically starts with objectivity as the foundation and incorporates new data. So applying your critical thinking, what motivates the EDSA and Duterte groups of critics? And do you think either can produce a result that is good for the Philippines. Don’t just be chippy and avoid the issue. Give us some insights.
“Critical thinking typically starts with objectivity as the foundation and incorporates new data.”
Of course. So what new data do we have regarding the old issues against the Marcoses including Marcos, Jr.? I know you want to avoid the old issues. Marcos, Jr. wanted to avoid them to, so he whitewashed our history and gave people something else to look at, possibly this “new data” you speak of.
You say I am avoiding the issue. What I am doing is avoiding the issue you want to discuss and STAYING on the issue of your saying the critics of Marcos are not thinkers but instead are act out of “anger” or “pain.” Does that qualify as being “chippy?”
We on the left need to evaluate what needs to be done to achieve our goals. We need to consider that demanding, waiting for a candidate which matches the high bar of idealism of our youth is in itself a foolish move. It can quickly move into demanding purity — but how many of us can identify what exactly the pure ideals of youth really are? I’d gander that while the youth have overflowing energy, very few young people know what they really wanted because that youthful idealism is based mostly on emotions. And emotions are the strongest when it remains in an ideal, never actually realized into action.
All the while the enemies of rule of law, the enemies of democracy, the enemies of increasing equality march on with aggression and fundamentally imperfect leaders who embody the worse of ourselves. In the US the intense idealism of the Baby Boomers gave way to Nixonism and Reaganism; a majority of anti-establishment GenXers ultimately went from Obama to Trump in droves. After EDSA I’m sure many Filipinos who had participated had many dreams too, but how many went to Dutertismo later?
In a way, waiting for perfection is a way to hide our own imperfections. No one is perfect, and if we demand others to bow and apologize forever, have we every apologized ourselves in our own lives? There is also such a thing as imperfect allies, imperfect avatars. Marcos Jr. certainly is a fundamentally flawed character, but for now he is the only person that seems to be standing in the way of the Dutertes and China. Every other contender like the Isko Morenos seem to have their own ominous agendas, while the “perfect” candidates don’t want to even join because they would get torn down for misspeaking on rare occasion or not doing something that some loud voice wants them to do.
I never thought that in 2025 I’d be defending Marcos Jr. I had been accused by some UP alumni friends of being a “Marcos family apologist,” straining decades long friendships. Of course people who criticize from a position of safety where they won’t be affected by negative turns of events regardless often turn to abusing idealism to the point of demand for purity, like my UP friends. Instead, we should be thanking Marcos Jr. that he has somehow held the Republic together for now against the pro-PRC forces. Ultimately we can choose to continue criticizing even the good and right actions of Marcos Jr. and allowing the pro-PRC forces to win, while we feel good about our own righteousness, or we can accept that Marcos Jr. has done good in certain areas, giving us time to organize and cultivate our own candidates.
I look at Marcos as doing more than standing apart from Duterte. The common argument “anybody is better than Duterte” is actually taking shine off of his proactive works: good cabinet appointments, firm with China, sound economic decisions, refusing to respond to Duterte provocations, shoring up and building international relations even past Aquino’s good works, moving defense from passive to active, and toning down the provocations of critics by cutting back on race attendance and parties. I commented elsewhere that my early trust level of him was 35% and now its 85%. When I remarked early on that some of his decisions were good, I was accused of being an apologist, and a lot of FB followers are still angry about it. They want me to lie? It’s easy to lie. It’s hard to be objective.
I tend to think that Marcos Jr. should’ve done more with the mandate that he had before his poll numbers started dropping. Specifically do more on the issue of attracting more real foreign investment to provide real jobs for Filipinos in the manufacturing sector. There are unbelievable numbers of non-working Filipinos who do not show up in the official numbers of unemployed because they had stopped looking for work years ago. In any province wherever I go I may commonly find a family where a majority of the prime working age adults not having any work at all. But they all have cheap smart phones and consume a lot of propaganda online. This is where the Duterte silent power base is, not in the urban poor like most people would assume.
Then again, maybe doing more is too heavy a lift for a single president to do in one term. My hope is that the liberals and progressives wake the hell up and make a pragmatic alliance with Marcos Jr. in order to keep the Dutertes out of power for good. It’s not like Marcos Jr. really has a suitable family heir at this point anyway, whether it be his son or his cousin the Speaker. Such an alliance would give the liberals and progressives space to reconstitute their strength, while what Marcos Jr. gets in return is cementing the redemption of his family name. One can wish.
I share your hope. President Marcos is confined domestically by dynastic spats, corruption as a mainstream system of rewards for powerful people, a deep state of technological backwardness and incompetence in the agencies, and finances. He also has to walk firmly but softly in a global world largely off its hinges. He is a major player in keeping a sane set of alliances together in the face of aggressions from China and the US. He is at the center, consistent with the article’s theme. If he did the things you suggest, he could get a 100% trust rating from me, which so far no human on the planet has obtained, other than my current wife.
Being chippy is taking potshots without providing explanations or data or argument. So, yes, you remain chippy. The distinction between us, I suppose, is that you are absorbed with past incidents that are not resolved to your satisfaction, and never will be. I look at the election as a dividing line between the past and now. Voters authorized Marcos to be President. So I assess how he is doing and give him good marks. That bugs you so you take potshots at me because you cannot say he is doing well as President even if it is factually true. You are a critic, will remain a critic, and if enough of you hang in there, you’ll help get Sara Duterte elected. For which you will deny any accountability. That’s my readout with the information you have provided, and thinking about 2028.
“The distinction between us, I suppose, is that you are absorbed with past incidents that are not resolved to your satisfaction, and never will be.” – JoeAm
Actually I am not absorbed at all. I escaped before Marcos, Sr. finally bankrupted the nation, created a new class of oligarchs through is cronies and some military folk, and so I am told brought the military to new depths.
But there were Filipinos who stood up against Marcos and did not flee like I did. Many were tortured, and many lost their lives…the term then was “salvaged.”
My issue with you is that you brush off their issues and sacrifices AND personal losses with terms like “anger” and then “pain.” You forget that some of these folk can also think, and think critically. Sure they can feel anger, and pain. But that doesn’t meant they cannot think. That is the distinction between you and me.
Thus in my response to you, I addressed ONLY that issue. Of course you found me chippy, because you did not want to talk about the concern of the older folk with more vivid memories than you. You are concerned about your life in the Philippines under China. That doesn’t concern me so much because I am permanently not there, and by choice.
One thing I appreciate from the US government is expressions they give, like say in support of Marcos, Sr., was “he may be a son of a bitch, but he is our son of a bitch.” I think they said the same of the Shah of Iran.
You seem to say and I put these words in your mouth for clarity: “He may be a son of a bitch to you, but I have seen enough evidence to say that he likely is not.”
The American government’s expression acknowledges they are supporting a son of a bitch. Yours does not, and then you callously broad brush the conclusion of those who disagree with you as brought about by anger, or pain at crimes of old not being settled in a manner that they believe is just.
That to me flies in the face of evidence that critical thinking people can see with respect to Marcos, Sr. I believe it also shows your disrespect for some of my countrymen.
So then my comment that “pain” is a motivation is correct. And by acknowledging that it is a motivation, you concede that it exists. It is of course legitimate. Our good friend Irineo is in Germany because he was in jail, and was freed by Raissa Robles’ father. Reality happened. My late friend writer Tomas “Buddy” Gomez III also had to flee to the US because of Marcos. Buddy made a special trip to Tacloban to meet personally to encourage me to keep blogging because he thought what I was saying was important. So I did. Now you seem to get angry if I say pain is a motivation for EDSA people to criticize Marcos, then you acknowledge that it is.
So color me confused.
People were hurt, and remain hurt, and the pain is warranted. It is legitimate. Marcos is also President now. And there will be an election in 2028. Sara Duterte is the leading candidate to be President. She is a demagogue and apparently corrupt, like Marcos Sr. was.
If I postulate that the only way to defeat her is for Yellows and Marcos to form a coalition for democracy, then Yellows have to decide if the end justifies the means, or if vengeance is more important.
Your view that I insult your countrymen is inconsistent with how many thousands of them follow my posts, welcome my writings, and argue objectively, not personally, when I get it wrong. They also accuse me of being Filipino, lol.
President Marcos is not running the presidency as a son of a bitch. He’s running a decent, stable government. Any words coming from your typewriter are yours, some total fiction by my estimation. They are not mine.
‘So then my comment that “pain” is a motivation is correct. And by acknowledging that it is a motivation, you concede that it exists. It is of course legitimate.’ – JoeAm
When are you going to mention the role of CRITICAL THOUGHT in those who were/are angry and do feel pain? Here is what I hear you saying: “You guys disagree with me because of anger and pain and no critical thinking in your process.” That is what I disagree with. One can be angry, feel pain, and THEN AFTER SOME CRITICAL THINKING decide that the best route is to forgive and forget and move on. Or, one can be angry, feel pain, and THEN DECIDE TO CONTINUE THE FIGHT AGAINST THE MARCOS IN Malacañang BECAUSE OF CONCLUSIONS REACHED AFTER SERIOUS CRITICAL THOUGHT. “…and argue objectively, not personally, when I get it wrong.” – JoeAm Which is what I am doing. I am quoting you and objectively pointing out your error. Maybe you feel anger and pain from my criticism and are not thinking objectively?! “Your view that I insult your countrymen is inconsistent with how many thousands of them follow my posts, welcome my writings, and argue objectively, not personally, when I get it wrong. They accuse me of being Filipino, lol.” – JoeAm And thousands follow the Dutertes. What does that prove? “President Marcos is not running the presidency as a son of a bitch.” – JoeAm What if I say that you are basing that opinion on emotions like hope and joy, just like you say anti-Marcos folk are basing their opinions on anger and pain? That is my point, which you cannot seem to get. “Any words coming from your typewriter are yours, some total fiction by my estimation, not mine.” – JoeAm That is the way it is when there is disagreement – and it comes with the territory when there is free and open discussion of ideas, including opposing idea. When you said that those who oppose Marcos, Jr. do it out of anger, I considered it words from your typewriter and considered it total fiction with respect to myself AND many others who think like me about Marcos, Jr. That is why I said “it is not anger” as you fictionally claim. Maybe it is so with some, maybe even the majority….but with myself and I am sure many others it is fiction. Okay, I’ve said my piece and you have said yours. Notice, I am not involved in the issues of Duterte coming to power, or China taking over. Those are not issues I want to undertake. I wanted to simply take issue with your implication that those opposed to Marcos, Jr. do so based purely on emotion(s) not any critical thinking. For human beings, it is almost never one or the other. More often than not it is both.
CV, you may already know that I was not a Marcos Jr. supporter and even now only see him as an imperfect but necessary ally against the greater threat poised by the Dutertes.
Consider this though:
1.) How long should a child be punished for the sins of the father? (I say look to someone’s actions to judge their character)
2.) Should the father not be judged for the father’s works, while the son judged for the son’s works? (Exodus, Deuteronomy, and Numbers mention that God would mete out punishment to even the third generation; but by Ezekiel God transmitted that he who commits the sin should be the one to die, reflecting perhaps the purity seeking of the Israelites was what caused their exile in Babylon)
3.) Suppose the son apologizes for the father’s sins, how much is enough? (It will likely never be enough)
4.) Who among us are willing to “kill” our own fathers, whether literally or figuratively? (I think very few)
And his mother is still living. Would you expect him to throw her under the bus? I think President Marcos has five key influencers offering guidance on policy. In descending order of influence:
1) Executive Secretary Bersamin, a rock of intelligence and stability,
2) His father, from the grave, who gave him leadership insights (oratory skill) and the motivation to correct the Marcos legacy by doing good works (a peculiar but powerful anti-drive),
3) His agency heads (Cabinet members), some more impactful than others,
4) His wife, who is an intelligent and sane force, and friend,
5) The lunatics he must put up with, including his mother, sister, the Dutertes, and others.
I don’t know where House Speaker Romualdez fits in. Maybe with agency heads.
Luckily for Imelda Marcos, the Bible only mentions the fathers, haha.
And yes, Marcos Jr. is lucky to have access to those advisors, unlike Duterte who is only surrounded by yes-men.
Thanks, Joey. You say “How long should a child be punished for the sins of the father? (I say look to someone’s actions to judge their character)”
Let me respond with some sarcasm: What sins? Didn’t the son (no longer a child) go to great lengths to portray his father’s legacy as a Golden Era for the Philippines?
Marcos, Jr. of course had tremendous financial resources to do that, thanks to that Golden Era.
But do let me know, FROM THE VIEWPOINT of the chosen leader, Marcos, Jr., against the “current issue” (I put that in quotes because it is not the issue I took up with JoeAm) of China and Duterte and the Philippines’ future – What sins?
Okay, I have never seen evidence that any of the allegedly pilfered Philippines money exists anymore. Not arguing that Marcos Sr. and his cronies didn’t embezzle money (they did). But how will re-litigating the past when Filipinos already did EDSA 1, 1987 Constitution, and nearly 40 years of room to have better policies sans any Marcos help in the current situation that the Dutertes would soon sell the Philippines to the PRC if that would cement a permanent Duterte dictatorship? The failures of the last 40 years is not something done by Marcos Sr. It was done by Filipinos continually demanding too much, while doing too little themselves to help build, looking to perfect leaders who turned out to not be perfect. Then when a decent leader (Pnoy) finally came, he was destroyed.
“Okay, I have never seen evidence that any of the allegedly pilfered Philippines money exists anymore.” – Joey
My guess is that the Marcoses had a good financial advisor and it was invested and it has now grown exponentially. I am confident that part of the loot was invested in getting the Marcoses back into Philippine politics which we all know is a very lucrative investment. I’m being facetious, of course, but hopefully you get my point.
I also note you use the words “alleged” and “pilfered.” It is not alleged. It has been documented, litigated, and in some cases recovered.
And instead of “pilfered” try “looted.” Remember, the country was bankrupt by the time the People kicked the Marcoses out of the country.
“But how will re-litigating the past when Filipinos already did EDSA 1, 1987 Constitution, and nearly 40 years of room to have better policies sans any Marcos help in the current situation that the Dutertes would soon sell the Philippines to the PRC if that would cement a permanent Duterte dictatorship?” – Joey
Marcos, Jr. is in a unique position of power, both in his clan AND in the Philippine government. JoeAm trusts him 85%. He can lead a re–litigation of the past and fast track it in record time!! He might even get nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize if he does that.
But of course he won’t do it! Especially after he has convinced the Filipino people that there was no crime at all!!
“The failures of the last 40 years is not something done by Marcos Sr. It was done by Filipinos continually demanding too much, while doing too little themselves to help build, looking to perfect leaders who turned out to not be perfect. Then when a decent leader (Pnoy) finally came, he was destroyed.” – Joey
Exactly. But don’t forget JoeAm’s mantra – the Philippines is a wonderful place with wonderful people. We don’t want to be too negative now do we? 🙂
“Exactly. But don’t forget JoeAm’s mantra – the Philippines is a wonderful place with wonderful people. We don’t want to be too negative now do we? 🙂”
Hahaha, what a wonderful piece of snide misrepresentation that is, even adding a cute happy face that means “boy aren’t we clever to know what a dipshit JoeAm is with his happy happy talk.”
Let me explain for the benefit of other readers what my mantra really is. It has two parts. I think they will comprehend.
1. I think that people constantly beating up on Filipinos is bad for the Philippines.
Foreigners are the worst because they think the Philippines should be like their homeland, well ordered, impecabbly run, clean, law abiding. They get together in little cabals and complain. I stay away. They are idiots. Well, sometimes comments on the blog are relentlessly critical of Filipinos and the Philippines and I find it wearing. Why is it wearing? That takes us to the second part of the mantra.
2. Everyone has a legitimate reason for doing what they do.
Given that principle, when someone sees something they don’t like, we are provoked into asking, why is it that way. And in the Japanese discovery tradition of asking why five times, we can eventually figure out the source of the problem and what actions can be taken to fix it.
I agree with Joey’s point, if arguments don’t lead to action, they are useless.
I’m not happy happy at all. I can see good as well as bad and strive for a balanced and accurate view of things. If we can see the good, see the progress, see the upside, then we are inclined to want more of the stuff. That’s the desired action. Confidence is important. It comes from successes, not criticisms.
Okay let’s try this:
1.) What would you propose Marcos Jr. do about it, and how much apology would be enough?
2.) Who do you think can take Marcos Jr.’s place at the present time, is demonstrably more electorally popular than Sara Duterte?
Politicians are tools to enact the will of the people. I view Marcos Jr. as a tool building the next step within his 6-year term towards a Philippines I would like to see. Nothing more, nothing less.
Do about the sins he does not acknowledge happened? How does that work? Even with God and salvation you have to acknowledge your sin first before you go on to what to do about it. Marcos, Jr. has not acknowledged any sins…not his own, not his father’s.
But that is not the issue I brought up w/ JoeAm. I believe my “chippy” words were “It is not anger.” I simply took issue w/ JoeAm’s dismissing the work of the EDSA fighters as out of “anger” and “pain” and not any critical thought.
You hit the nail on the head with your comment about the failures of us Filipinos in the last 40 years. There are consequences for that neglect. Sooner or later you have to pay the piper.
Now examine your own position with your use of “alleged” and “pilfered.” That is exactly what the Marcoses wanted to achieve. They wanted to go from convicted and plundered to “alleged” and “pilfered” and eventually “It was a Golden Age.” And they succeeded.
I understand that for decades, our public school curriculum in the Philippines did not teach the children the true facts and lessons of Martial Law and the People Power revolution. That is part of the 40 years of failure by the people, not by Marcos (although I suspect Marcos led the way).
JoeAm dismisses the work of those who fought against the Marcoses, the “Never Again” leftists, as simply angry and in pain, and just need to get over it (despite the historical revisionism of Marcos, Jr. to gain Malacañang again for a Marcos). I see those two actions (yours and JoeAm’s) as continuation of the failure. The failure is not just in actions or inactions. It could also be in thought, in attitude.
You both disagree with me on that. So there. We can agree to disagree. Our heroes in the past had some great ideas on what to do with the new nation that Spanish colonialism birthed…but we decided something different for ourselves. The results are what we have now.
Do I have a solution. Nope! Nothing new at least, nothing that hasn’t been said before.
I don’t think I’ve ever disagreed with any of your ideas in the past as you have posted them here. But on this one, I disagree. And it is simple – I disagree with your assessment that the crimes of the Marcoses were simply “alleged” and that the looting of the Philippine treasury was simply “pilferage.”
I know you and others want to forget the foundation and go on to building the structure itself. I find that to be folly. You can have the fanciest building design ever, but if you build it on a foundation of sand, it will fail.
Well, if you can’t get your facts right, you’ll get your conclusions wrong. I’ve never dismissed the work of the anti-Marcos effort. Some of the principals are dear friends, which Karl can attest to because I met him and his dad and son along with a couple of notables who were right in front of the AFP guns. President Aquino invited me to lunch because I supported him. You may be aware of his limp, a very real thing, and that he directed us (me, wife, kid) to stand in front of a photo of his Mom for our cherished snapshot. Check out Will Villanueva’s interviews in the tab above. My gosh that long time Marcos hater has done good works here and I’ve welcomed them.
You really need to climb out of your well cemented hole and look around.
But I am working on a subject you have no interest in, the Philippines of the future. And I have to figure out why intelligent people such as yourself moan about the failures of the past but choose to do nothing about the future.
I’ll see how you handle the foundation upon which this future is to be built.
Thank you. I love the Philippines. That’s a fact.
JoeAm,
I didn’t say you dismissed the efforts of the EDSA fighters. Here is what I said: >>I simply took issue w/ JoeAm’s dismissing the work of the EDSA fighters as out of “anger” and “pain” and not any critical thought.<<
You might want to re-submit your position with the corrections. Or not….
Your obsession with the past but not the future speaks for itself. That is not logical for someone who allegedly cares about the Philippines and Filipinos.
Well, the key issue is a Duterte presidency, which you take no interest in, and I do. The application of critical thinking should be on that, not on whether Yellows can correctly analyze that Marcos hurt them. I can simply stipulate that you are correct, as attorneys do in court, Marcos hurt you, and then ask you to broaden your advocacy to help guide the Philippines to democracy, not another dictator who will punish future Filipinos as you were punished. Don’t rely on some wayward American blogger to do this for you. Or, rather, for future Filipinos.
“I can simply stipulate that you are correct, as attorneys do in court, Marcos hurt you, …” – JoeAm
It is not about me (that would be “personalan” not objectivity (a requirement in critical thinking as you have pointed out), it is about the country. Try: “Marcos hurt the country,…” instead.
Your language is subtle, but the message in “Marcos hurt you” is implying that I am not being objective but rather am taking things personally, therefore not thinking critically. You do that with me, and with “the Yellows” and whoever else who disagree with you on Marcos, Jr. I am suggesting that you not do that. I am suggesting that you give the thinking Yellows the respect I feel they deserve, even if they disagree with you about Marcos, Jr.
Sure, the nation was hurt by Marcos. The issue is how to prevent another demagogue like Marcos Senior from being president. My argument is that Marcos Junior and Yellows should work together to find and suppoet a pro-democracy leader. The fact that “the Philippines was hurt by Marcos Senior” should inspire Yellows (or EDSA participants) to want to avoid another dictator. But they are so hung up on how Marcos Senior hurt the Philippines that they can’t accept Marcos Junior as a part of the solution. It makes no critical thinking sense to me. So I see the arguments from Riassa Robles and yourself and recognize how, individually, they can’t get there.
You say you aren’t interested in talking about Duterte. You don’t care if she is President. And I wonder what kind of critical thinking is this, that abandons future Filipinos for lack of interest.
Well, in truth, it has nothing to do with critical thinking. It has to do with emotions. And I say so. And you, emotionally, get pissed off.
“But they are hung up on how Marcos Senior hurt the Philippines that they can’t accept Marcos Junior as a part of the solution. It makes no critical thinking success to me.” – JoeAm
Marcos, Sr. did not just hurt the Philippines. A lot of politicians (and even non-politicians) have done that – hurt the Philippines. Marcos, Sr. not only murdered thousands (we used the term “salvaged”) of Filipinos who spoke out against him, he also bankrupted the nation.
Now you smugly declare those who opposed Marcos, Sr. and those who support those who support those who oppose Marcos, Sr. as “hung up.” Tsk tsk.
I invite you to share with us your critical thought process on how Marcos, Jr. handled what these “hung up and hurt Filipinos” are dealing with. I wasn’t there during the campaign period but I am told the revisionist history that Marcos, Jr. fire hosed on Filipinos was mind boggling. Share with us how you believe such a person is part of the solution?
OT: (which shows why many in the Filipino public don’t have the headspace for more strategic matters, and yes Gelo is a Filipino everyman, I know people from Malabon, it is a place with a lot of soul, with both riff-raff and hopeful hardworking people side by side)
***** start of quote *****
THE IRONY OF INJUSTICE:
(Flooding, Gambling, and the Death of a Young Man)
See Filiipino Version below. Please spare 10 minutes to read this.
It was one of those nights when the streets of Malabon and Navotas seemed to have merged with the rivers and the sea. The heavy monsoon rains had returned, and with them the familiar fear of floodwaters slowly creeping into homes. But that night, it wasn’t just floodwaters that disappeared—it was also a father.
On Tuesday, July 22, the father of six children did not come home. The children were used to floods but not to this mysterious disappearance of their father. The whole family began to worry. The eldest, Dion Angelo—known at home as Gelo and among his fellow altar servers at Señor de Longos Mission Station as Dion—searched the streets with his mother Jennylyn, who is disabled (blind in one eye). They asked around, wading through filthy waist-deep floodwater in some areas, filled with fear and anxiety.
They had no idea that Gelo’s father had been arrested without a warrant and was detained for allegedly violating PD 1602—accused of engaging in illegal gambling. He was supposedly caught playing kara y krus. This law against illegal gambling, passed during the time of the late father of the current president of the Philippines in 1978, was said to be a protection for the poor against the vice of gambling. Yet decades later, not a single major gambling lord has been arrested. The poor remain the only victims of this law—just like during the Tokhang days, when quotas on drug suspects became the ticket for promotion.
Here lies the painful irony: while the poor are being charged for playing kara y krus, we are powerless against the biggest operator of the gambling business today through online gambling: the government itself, through PAGCOR. In the past, the government was strict about the public accessibility of gambling. By law, slot machines were not allowed in supermarkets and crowded places. Casinos even had to hire bouncers to check minors and those who could not prove that they earned at least 50,000 pesos a month. Now, gambling can be accessed on every cellphone. Anyone can gamble in their bedroom, on a jeepney, or in bed—24/7. One can even borrow gambling money from GCash.
Why would the police even bother arresting someone playing kara y krus when even children can gamble on their phones before they learn how to multiply? If gambling is addictive, then the biggest pusher of gambling addiction today is none other than our own government through PAGCOR—supposedly to generate extra income for public spending.
We had just released a pastoral letter from the CBCP against online gambling entitled “A Statement on the Moral and Social Crisis Caused by Online Gambling.” A few days later, I released another pastoral letter for the Diocese of Kalookan about flooding and corruption in public works entitled “When the Waters Rise and the Truth Drowns.” I did not know that in the tragedy that would befall Gelo’s family, the twin problems of corruption from flooding and gambling would intersect.
Gelo, 20 years old, a third-year college student, was the family’s hope. Quiet, dependable at home, and a faithful altar server at the church. As the eldest of six siblings, he was determined to finish his Human Resource Services (HRS) course at Malabon City College so he could help his family rise out of poverty.
After 24 hours of no news about his father, Gelo urged his mother to continue the search despite the floods. They went around all the police stations in Caloocan, Malabon, and Navotas, but no one could give them an answer.
The next day, Gelo even separated from his mother to cover more ground and ask more people. He was accompanied by his grandmother, and there they finally found his father in a police station in Caloocan. His heart broke at what he saw: in a small room at the back of the station, his father and five other detainees were handcuffed together. He had gone missing on July 22 and was reported in all the police stations (which routinely share information with each other). But it was only on July 25 that the police admitted they had him in their custody and that he had already been charged on that same day.
From the first day, the father had pleaded with the police to inform his family of his arrest, but they refused. Bail was set at 30,000 pesos—an impossible amount for a family barely surviving their daily needs and school fees. Even the fees for visiting at the precinct weighed heavily on their already meager budget.
So Gelo repeatedly visited his father to bring food and to work on the case. He waded daily through the dark floodwaters until he began to develop a fever on Saturday night. He even apologized to his mother on Sunday morning for not being able to accompany her to the precinct because of his body aches. He also sent word that he would not be able to serve at the Sunday Mass at the new Longos Mission Station church.
His mother told him to take paracetamol and rest. That night, not only was he feverish, but he was also shivering. Yet his main concern remained his father and how they could raise the money for bail. His three-year-old youngest sibling was traumatized when she was the first to discover later that her Kuya Gelo had already died. On Sunday night, July 27, the young man who had been the pillar of hope for his family passed away. The cause: leptospirosis, a disease caused by rat urine in the dirty floodwaters he had waded through in search of his father, who had been arrested for kara y krus.
A CRY THAT REACHES HEAVEN
The father was inconsolable when he heard in the precinct about Gelo’s death. Despite his wife’s comfort, he blamed himself. He felt abandoned by God. He did not even know what to do to post bail and return home so he could mourn and bury his eldest son.
Meanwhile, his wife, who is disabled (blind in one eye), and his five younger children kept vigil over the wake that was literally held on the street because they could not afford to rent a commercial funeral chapel for Gelo.
How could this happen? How could a young man’s life be lost due to one misfortune after another? And what choice did they have but to continue wading through the floods when the flood control gate remained broken despite a fresh allocation of 281 million pesos for its repair?
On the other hand, the police continue to meet quotas on arrests under an old anti-gambling law now being used to bully the poor, while rampant online gambling quietly destroys families. How have we become so accustomed to this culture of abuse of power by some law enforcers, who have normalized warrantless arrests and who even pressure detainees to simply admit the charges in court so they could be “absolved” and pay only a 1,000-peso fine—instead of languishing in jail and repeatedly attending court hearings while paying for a lawyer? I wondered: how many thousands of people admit to crimes they did not commit because they have no defense under the law? What has become of the principle popularized by the late President Magsaysay: “Those who have less in life should have more in law”?
The senseless death of Gelo is a parable of our time. His story cries out to heaven—and to all of us. It shouts the question: how many more Gelo’s must die before we confront the systemic injustices that not only destroy livelihoods but also take the very lives of our fellow citizens?
HOPE AND RESOLVE
As a Church, we cannot close our eyes. We cannot simply be sad and mourn at the wake. We must be the voice of those who have been buried in poverty, ignored by institutions, and silenced by fear.
The life and death of Gelo will not be meaningless. His father has been temporarily released thanks to a kind soul who provided bail money; but he still faces the case. Where will families like theirs turn to? How can they live freely, earn a living, and feed Gelo’s five younger siblings? Who will care for the dignity of his family and work for the change in the justice system that our nation has long awaited, especially for the poor? Heaven will not have mercy on us until justice flows like a river and righteousness like an ever-flowing stream (Amos 5:24).
For now, let us pray for the family. But let us also pray for ourselves—as Christians and as citizens—that the floodwaters of injustice will stop rising and that no more young people like Gelo will be robbed of a future because of the irony of a system that punishes the poor and protects the powerful.
Filipino Version:
Ang Kabalintunaan ng Kawalang-Hustisya (BAHA, SUGAL, AT ANG KAMATAYAN NG ISANG KABATAAN)
Isa iyon sa mga gabing ang mga kalsada ng Malabon at Navotas ay tila naging isa na sa mga ilog at dagat. Bumalik na naman ang malalakas na ulang dala ng habagat, at kasama nito ang pamilyar na takot na unti-unting pumapasok sa mga tahanan ang baha. Pero sa gabing iyon, hindi lang baha ang nawala—kundi isang ama.
Noong Martes, July 22, hindi nakauwi ang ama ng anim na anak. Sanay na ang mga bata sa baha pero hindi sa ganitong misteryosong pagkawala ng kanilang tatay. Nagsimulang mag-alala ang buong pamilya. Ang panganay, si Dion Angelo—kilala sa bahay bilang Gelo at sa mga kapwa sakristan sa Señor de Longos Mission Station bilang Dion—ay lumibot sa mga kalsada kasama ang kanyang nanay na si Jennylyn na may kapansanan (bulag ang isang mata). Nagtanong-tanong sila, lumusong sa maruming tubig-baha na abot-baywang sa ilang lugar, puno ng takot at pag-aalala.
Hindi nila alam na na-aresto pala nang walang warrant ang hinahanap na tatay ni Gelo at nakakulong dahil diumano sa paglabag sa PD 1602—pagkakasangkot daw sa illegal gambling. Naaktuhan daw siya na nakikipaglaro ng kara y krus. Ang batas na ito laban sa illegal gambling, na ipinasa noong panahon ng yumaong ama ng kasalukuyang presidente ng Pilipinas, noong 1978, ay sinasabing proteksyon daw para sa mahihirap laban sa bisyo ng sugal. Pero makalipas ang ilang dekada, walang naaresto ni isa sa mga malalaking gambling lord. Ang mahihirap lang ang biktima ng batas na ito—katulad noong panahon ng Tokhang, kung saan quota sa mga drug suspect ang naging tiket para sa promosyon.
Ito ang matinding kabalintunaan: habang kinakasuhan ang mga dukhang nagsusugal ng kara y krus, wala tayong magawa sa pinakamalaking operator ngayon ng negosyo ng sugal sa pamamagitan ng online gambling: ang gubyerno sa pamamagitan ng PAGCOR. Dati, napaka-istrikto ng gubyerno sa public accessibility ng pasugalan. Ayon sa batas, hindi pwede ang slot machines sa mga supermarket at mataong lugar. At kailangan pa ng bouncer sa mga casino para sitahin ang mga menor-de edad at mga walang katibayan na kumikita sila ng higit sa 50k kada buwan. Ngayon, may access na ang pasugalan sa bawat cellphone, pwede nang magsugal sa silid, sa jeep, sa kama, ang kahit na sino, 24/7. Pwede pa ngang umutang sa Gcash ng pansugal.
Bakit pa pag-aaksayahan ng panahon ng kapulis lan na arestuhin ang naglalaro ng kara y krus kung kahit mga bata ay pwede nang mag-sugal sa cellphone bago pa man sila matutong mag-multiply? Kung addictive ang sugal, ang pinakamalaking pusher ng adiksyon sa sugal sa kasalukuyan ay ang walang iba kundi sariling gubyerno natin sa pamamagitan ng PAGCOR—para daw kumita ang gubyerno ng pandagdag gastusing pampubliko.
Katatapos lang naming maglabas sa CBCP ng isang sulat pastoral laban sa online gambling na may pamagat na “Isang Pahayag Ukol sa Moral at Panlipunang Krisis Dahil sa Online Gambling”. Pagkaraan ng ilang araw, naglabas naman ako ng isa pang sulat pastoral para sa Diocese of Kalookan tungkol sa pagbaha at korapsyon sa public works na pinamagatang “Kapag Tumataas ang Tubig at Nalulunod ang Katotohanan”. Hindi ko alam na sa trahedyang sasapitin ng pamilya ni Gelo ay pagtatagpuin ng kapalaran ang magkatambal na problema ng korapsyon ng baha at sugal.
Si Gelo, 20 years old, isang third-year College student, ay siya sanang pag-asa ng pamilya. Tahimik, maaasahan sa pamilya, at tapat na sakristan sa simbahan. Panganay sa anim na magkakapatid, determinado sanang makatapos ng kursong HRS Human Resources Services sa Malabon City College para matulungan ang pamilya na makaahon sa kahirapan.
Pagkalipas ng 24 oras na walang balita tungkol sa kanyang ama, hinikayat ni Gelo ang kanyang ina na ipagpatuloy ang paghahanap kahit baha. Nilibot nila ang lahat ng police stations sa Caloocan, Malabon at Navotas pero walang makapagbigay ng sagot.
Kinabukasan, naghiwalay pa sila ng kanyang ina para mas marami daw silang mapuntahan at mapagtanungan. Sinamahan si Gelo ng kanyang lola sa paghahanap, at doon nga nila natagpuan ang kanyang ama sa isang Police Station sa Caloocan Parang nadurog ang kanyang puso sa nakita: sa isang munting silid sa likod ng police station kabit-kabit ang mga posas sa tatay niya at lima pang mga arestado rin. July 22 nang mawala, ipina-blotter sa lahat ng police stations (na sanay namang magpalitan ng information sa isa’t isa.) Pero July 25 na nang aminin ng kapulisan na nasa custody nila ang pinaghahanap ba ama, at nasampahan na daw ng kaso noong araw mismong iyon. Unang araw pa lang nakiusap ang ama na ipaalam ng pulis sa pamilya ang pagkakaaresto sa kanya pero hindi siya pinagbigyan. ₱30,000 daw ang bail—isang imposibleng halaga para sa pamilyang halos hindi na makasapat sa pang-araw-araw na gastusin at bayarin sa eskwela. Pati nga bayad sa bawat dalaw sa presinto mabigat sa bulsa nila.
Kaya binalik-balikan ni Gelo ang ama para dalhan ng pagkain at lakarin ang kaso. Inaraw-araw ang paglusong sa maitim na tubig-baha hanggang magsimulang lagnatin nang Sabado ng gabi. Humingi pa ng paumanhin sa ina nang umaga na ng Linggo na hindi siya masamahan nito sa presinto dahil masakit ang katawan. At ibig pang magpasabi na hindi rin muna siya makakapag-serve sa Misang Linggo sa bagong simbahan ng Longos Mission Station.
Sinabihan siya ng nanay niya na uminom ng paracetamol at magpahinga muna. Nang gabing iyon bukod sa nilalagnat, nanginginig na rin siya. Pero ang ipinag-aalala pa rin niya ay ang kanyang ama, at kung paano makahabap ng pambayad sa piyansa. Na-trauma pa ang tatlong taong gulang na bunsong kapatid niya dahil siya ang unang nakatuklas kalaunan na wala na palang buhay ang kanyang Kuya Gelo. Linggo ng gabi, July 27 nang pumanaw ang binatang naging haligi ng pag-asa ng pamilya. Ang dahilan: leptospirosis, isang sakit na dala ng ihi ng daga sa maruming baha na nilusong niya sa paghahanap sa kanyang ama na inaresto diumano dahil sa kara y krus.
ISANG SIGAW NA UMAABOT SA LANGIT
Abot-abot ang paghihinagpis ng ama nang mabalitaan mula sa presinto ang pagkamatay ni Gelo. Kahit anong pag-alalay ng misis, sarili pa rin ang sinisisi. Pakiwari ba niya, pinabayaan na sila ng Diyos. Ni hindi alam kung ano ang gagawin para makapagbayad ng piyansa para makauwi, para maipagluksa at maipalibing ang panganay niyang anak.
Samantala, ang asawa niyang may kapansanan (bulag ang isang mata)—at ang lima pang nakababatang anak ang nagbantay sa burol na literal na nasa kalsada, dahil wala silang pambayad sa komersyal na memorial chapels para sa burol kay Gelo.
Paano ito nangyari? Paano mawawala ang buhay ng isang kabataan dahil sa sunod-sunod na dagok ng kapalaran? At ano bang magagawa nila kundi ang patuloy na lumusong sa baha kung sira pa rin ang flood control gate sa kabila ng bagong buhos na namang 281 milyong piso para ma-repair ito?
Sa kabilang banda, patuloy na kumokota ang kapulisan sa pag-aresto sa bisa ng lumang batas laban sa sugal na ginagamit ngayon na pambully sa mahihirap habang tahimik na winawasak naman ng talamak na online gambling ang mga pamilya. Paano tayo nasanay sa ganitong kultura ng pang-aabuso ng kapangyarihan ng ilang mga alagad ng batas na halos ginawa nang normal na kalakaran ang pag-aresto nang walang warrant, pati ang panghihikayat na aminin na lang sa korte ang paratang para daw ma-abswelto at isanlibong piso lang daw naman ang penalty. Kaysa nga naman manatili sa kulungan at magpabalik-kalik sa husgado at magbayad pa ng abugado. Naisip ko: ilang libo katao ang umaamin sa hindi nagawang kasalanan dahil walang kalaban-laban sa batas? Ano na ang nangyari sa prinsipyong pinasikat ng yumaong presidente Magsaysay “Those who have less in life should have more in law.”?
Ang walang katuturang kamatayan ni Gelo ay isang talinghaga ng ating panahon. Ang kanyang kwento ay sumisigaw sa langit—at sa ating lahat. Isinisigaw ang tanong: ilang Gelo pa ba ang kailangang mamatay bago natin harapin ang mga sistemikong kawalang-hustisya na hindi lang kumikitil ng kabuhayan kundi ng mismong buhay ng ating mga kababayan?
PAG-ASA AT PANININDIGAN
Bilang Simbahan, hindi tayo pwedeng pumikit. Hindi tayo pwedeng basta malungkot lang at makipagluksa sa burol. Kailangan nating maging tinig ng mga taong tinabunan na ng kahirapan, binalewala ng mga institusyon, at pinatahimik ng takot.
Hindi magiging walang saysay ang buhay at kamatayan ni Gelo. Panandaliang nakalabas ang ama ni Gelo dahil sa perang pampiyansa galing sa nagmagandang-loob; pero haharap pa rin siya sa kaso. Kanino tatakbo ang mga katulad nila? Paano mabubuhay nang malaya upang maghanapbuhay at mapakain ang lima pang mga kapatid ni Gelo? Sino ang magmamalasakit sa dignidad ng kanyang pamilya, at kikilos para sa ikapagbabago ng sistemang pang-hustisya na matagal nang hinihintay ng ating bayan, lalo na ng mga dukha? Hindi tayo kahahabagan ng langit hangga’t hindi bumuhos ang hustisya na parang ilog na dumadaloy at ang katuwiran na parang umaagos na sapa (Amos 5:24).
Sa ngayon, ipagdasal natin ang pamilya. Pero ipagdasal din natin ang ating sarili—bilang Kristiyano at bilang mamamayan—para matigil ang pagtaas ng pagbaha ng kawalang-katarungan at para wala nang kabataan na katulad ni Gelo ang mapagkaitan ng kinabukasan dahil sa kabalintunaan ng sistemang nagpaparusa sa mahihirap at pumoprotekta sa mga makapangyarihan.
Such a sad and unnecessary story. I have heard of and seen tragedies like this play out more times than I can count during my travels, especially during the period when I was still engaged in charity work. The death of a family’s “Gelo” is basically a death sentence to the entire family’s hopes, collapsing a family back to poverty for another generation or more. Cardinal Ambo’s story of Gelo reminds me of a late friend who was also her family’s hope, who died in a pedestrian-roadway accident on her way to bring her father food in prison after he was caught up as a minor pusher out of desperation in the drug war. In an attempt for leniency the father fingered a few higher up distributors who were never caught even though I’ve been told they walk freely in Cebu still distributing drugs to small time pushers. She had nearly graduated college at that point and planned to support her younger siblings. The father still languishes in prison, while the younger female siblings felt forced to ply Mactan Newtown for foreign men who could be their lolo.
I fear that a Philippines under a pro-China leadership will have more Gelos as well as Kians (the one shot on the night before his exam due to the drug war) and of course more of what you mentioned in the other comment about Mactan New Town. Pretty sad but a nation without direction tends toward all that.
Yeah. And if democracy and accountability loving Filipinos think that the dynasty-oriented status quo was bad right now, under pro-China leadership the days of the institutional dynasties may seem like halcyon days gone by one yearns to go back to. One only needs to look at the countless countries which have experienced wanton corruption by Kremlin or Beijing aligned strongmen flush with Russian or Communist Chinese cash while their people are reduced to subservience not only to their own dictators, but to Russian or Communist Chinese paramilitary forces running amok extracting any natural resource that isn’t nailed down and then some.
gelo’s death must have been a very hard lesson for gelo’s father to grasp and like many filipinos, the father would have been asking god, why gelo of all people. grief and the loss of his son should put the father off from gambling for good! but if the father starts gambling again, gelo’s death would have been for nothing.
What a rant, typical of a Trump Derangement Syndrome not see on this side of the Pacific Ocean. The writer wants to scalp China, but hates a current US admin that has the gumption to stand up to President Xi and wack the Chinese with punitive tariffs, but beloves a previous admin under a leader who stares into space, has a son who fronts grease operations with CCP operatives, has an office building that has CCP operatives as fellow tenants, allows Chinese spy balloons free airspace over the US.
Ok corporal. Thanks for visiting and sharing your deep enlightenments.
While criticizing the US’s stumbles is fun and all for the rest of the world, I’m not sure how that’s helpful to countries that still rely on the US. Nor do I believe in positive encouragement that serves only to validate but not motivate action.
Yes, the American electorate screwed up again either by voting for Trump by a 0.05% plurality or not voting at all over yet another over-qualified candidate. But the US is still a country of nearly 350 million with a unified foreign policy and 50 states behind her. Contrast with the EU with a population of 450 million and 27 member states that often can’t agree on much at all aside from releasing policy papers and resolutions. Civil society is reactivating across the US and opposition is much stronger than non-Americans may think. Then there is the strength in the American federal system itself where the bulk of power lies in each state within state territory rather than the federal government.
There is a reason why Japan, South Korea, Australia, Germany, the UK and NATO are sticking close with the US despite the occasional abuse they suffer from Trump’s mercurial decisions. In SEA countries like Vietnam, Indonesia, and Malaysia are moving closer to US alignment. If the Philippines wants to run a foreign policy of being the star of her own show, then certainly that is the sovereign right of Filipinos but I suspect it won’t involve a happy ending.
Joe, I’m not sure how long it’s been since you’ve been back in the US for an extended period of time, but after 20+ years in the GWOT Americans across the political spectrum are tired of backing countries that don’t appreciate the US in fights that the US doesn’t need to be in. Much of American foreign adventures and misadventures are fueled by a sense of idealism to help build the democratic world, and nowadays Americans are much more cynical towards foreign entanglements. I mean, MDT or not, friends only owe each other as much as each friend is willing to put in effort towards the relationship. If I have a friend that is constantly getting into trouble, yet keeps talking behind my back, I wouldn’t want to stand beside that friend in a fight too. The Iraqis and Afghanis found out the hard way. The Ukrainians are more pragmatic and quickly learned that it is in their benefit to compliment the effort of friends regardless the amount of effort given.
In 2, 4 years there is a good chance the American political landscape will experience fundamental change in a different direction. With cracks within MAGA starting to be apparent, the winds are already seemingly changing. And when that happens, a Philippines that constantly, historically, keeps trying to be “smart” by picking the “strongest” looking contender may end up sorely disappointed and in a worst off position.
I kinda think Joe has been long enough in the Philippines to address FIlipinos based on what I called their parochialism, some have called their insularity and what you have called their “feeling main character” syndrome. This article is being read a lot, I see the stats. It is also being reshared on Facebook by a lot of people, and the main message that there is a clear and present danger of China “colonizing” the Philippines one day comes across.
Due to his name and nationality and the title of this blog, the first thing someone who doesn’t read deeper might see is “aha, US imperialist”. Joe as someone who served in Vietnam and later protested against Vietnam has his unique perspective.
He could be a bit like those Americans who (if I read correctly as I was too young to really remember) allegedly wore Canadian flags to distance themselves from what LBJ and others were doing in Vietnam – or some Democrats abroad in German NOW who are applying for German passports as they no longer feel that the present USA represents THEM – valid sentiments just like my occasional sentiment that the Philippines of now is no longer the Philippines I left and might be lost with a wrong turn in 2028.
Yes, the USA has the advantages you mentioned, and to go back to another convo where you mentioned that it has the advantages to be able to retreat to itself when needed (see isolationism after WW1 for instance) but also I would add the ability to quickly bounce back and learn new stuff when necessary (US volunteers to Cuba including Teddy Roosevelt badly equipped but US forces fully back on track in the Philippines, no mean feat as post-Civil war the US army all but disbanded IIRC) and quickly reinvent itself.
I myself am a critic of the Filipino tendency to think of geopolitics as similar to its national politics where one just joins the next supermajority as one isn’t always with people who deal straight or fairly or at least based on one’s patronage expectations. Spain actually did that quite well for centuries, superimposing feudal traditions on a framework of chiefdoms. The USA helped shaped modern Filipino politics as it came in a phase when Tammany Hall wasn’t too long ago, according to MLQ3.
I am putting in a summary of the AI stuff I just research in the next comment..
(P.S. Joe didn’t protest against Vietnam, he protested against the Vietnam war – and was a hippie after he served. Totally different gen from the GWOT shaped millenial and maybe even partly Gen X Americans of today)
*** the AI article I asked ChatGPT to write for me on the topics I pasted above follows, and I think that is quite real and should be considered in winning hearts and minds (I know, 1970s Westmoreland IIRC?) for the coming 2028 election ***
In the evolving landscape of Philippine society, a silent tug-of-war plays out between pro-Western and pro-China allegiances—reflected sharply in the country’s middle class and business elite. Rooted in colonial history and shaped by present-day geopolitics, this divide reveals not only conflicting foreign loyalties but also internal fractures across class lines, political loyalties, and economic opportunity. While the United States maintains its longstanding influence through institutions, education, and investment, China’s assertive economic diplomacy has begun to reshape parts of the Filipino business world and working class consciousness.
Pro-Western sentiment remains strongest among the traditional elite families, large conglomerates, and the upper middle class. These groups are typically educated in Western universities, operate in sectors like finance and outsourcing, and embrace democratic norms. Their wealth is often tied to global capital, particularly U.S. and European markets. They view the West not only as an economic partner but also as a guardian of regional stability—especially in the face of Chinese expansion in the West Philippine Sea. For these groups, Western values of transparency, human rights, and institutional rule resonate with their aspirations for the Philippine state.
In contrast, a growing pro-China orientation can be observed among emerging business players, populist political allies, and some segments of the working class. These actors see China as a practical partner—less ideological, more willing to fund infrastructure and development without the conditionalities often attached to Western aid. For many in this camp, China’s meteoric rise is both a model of strong governance and a strategic counterbalance to the perceived hypocrisy or decline of Western powers. Under administrations like that of Rodrigo Duterte, this sentiment gained legitimacy and institutional support.
Surprisingly, this geopolitical divide is not confined to elites or policy-makers. A subset of the working and lower-middle class—particularly BPO workers and OFWs—has emerged as a curious bridge between these competing narratives. While these individuals work in U.S.-linked industries or send remittances from the West, many feel alienated by the very systems that employ them. Some harbor resentment toward traditional elites and Western institutions, viewing them as exploitative or disconnected from the realities of everyday Filipino life. This resentment often dovetails with support for Duterte-style populism and a guarded admiration for China’s perceived no-nonsense, development-first approach.
This emerging bloc—populist in tone and digitally active—is shaped as much by emotion and grievance as by strategic calculation. Social media, particularly Facebook and YouTube, plays a significant role in shaping their worldview, often promoting simplified narratives: the U.S. as a fading empire, Westernized elites as traitorous, and China as a pragmatic ally. These narratives rarely acknowledge China’s own expansionist behavior or domestic repression, focusing instead on themes of Filipino sovereignty, anti-elitism, and “Asian solidarity.” For this group, support for China is less ideological and more a vehicle for expressing frustration with the status quo.
Ultimately, the geopolitical affiliations of Filipino society reflect deeper questions about national identity, economic justice, and class power. While Western-aligned elites advocate institutional reform and global integration, pro-China and populist groups seek alternative pathways to dignity and development—often outside the frameworks championed by traditional power centers. As the Philippines navigates its future in an increasingly bipolar world, these internal divides will continue to shape not only foreign policy but also the domestic battle over who gets to define what it means to be a sovereign, modern Filipino.
Yes, I get Joe’s points, I’m just of the opinion that dunking on the only ally that could make a big difference in the looming PRC march across Asia may not be the best thing to do. We need to consider that the whole point of the US climb to naval, then geopolitical military supremacy was based on ideals of spreading freedom yes, but also to facilitate free trade routes in order to sell the output of American factories. The US no longer manufactures much basic goods, having switched to a post-Industrial economy. Maintaining trade routes today is mostly rooted in ideals and trying to prevent another major world war.
But beyond that, there are simply no other countries that can help the Philippines as much as the US in the area of defense. South Korean and Japanese defense industry is mostly based on American IP. The South Koreans tried to buy some IP from the Russians back in the 2000s and it didn’t work out that well. Europe’s defense industry and defense capacity has been atrophied to the point where Europe couldn’t produce a 5th generation fighter, and probably will not produce a 6th generation fighter as well. I’ve been watching the resolutions and statements coming out of Brussels and I don’t see any real action behind the resolutions because France once again doesn’t want to play nice together with the UK, Germany and Italy.
The US might be imperfect but the US is the only choice for partnership. That Vietnam, Indonesia and Malaysia are moving closer to the US while South Korea, Japan, Singapore and Australia are sticking close may be a hint as to what the Philippines needs to, and should do.
Just looked up an our Eurofighter is at most 4.5th Gen, meaning 4th Gen with some 5th gen additions, just like the Leopard is a series of upgraded models (my brother was in one in the early 1990s when he served, BTW a lot of Germans of Pinoy origin are in Panzer brigades as there is a max height for those in tanks) dating back to the oldest in the 1980s and SAP is basically a mainframe program upgraded to a Unix version running on a weird COBOL dialect with SQL and recent object-oriented additions plus the new FIORI interface which is HTML 5 if I am not mistaken.
Strategic folks look at the number of patents registered in US, China and the EU respectively and worry, try to influence politics but it’s complicated is what I say. Recently the threat of a Russian invasion within 5 years is all over the news. It might still push us here to get our act together and get something off the ground on par with what Airbus did for civil airplanes, but we will be busy WITH OURSELVES FIRST.
Even I have told Karl and Gian in our group chat that my priorities lie HERE for the moment and the Philippines is far lower priority. We have a triple whammy of issues – economic, industrial, defense to tackle and avoid a lot of BAD scenarios.
So yes, the Philippines has the USA as its only real choice and the USA has OTHER choices than the Philippines just in case. That is a stark difference from the time of Magsaysay or even of Marcos Sr. when B52s bombing Vietnam started from Clark.
But doesn’t what I shared from ChatGPT sound like a sign of danger. I fear that the wumao forces in business and middle class described there who think they can improve their lot as opposed to now where they feel the Ayalas, ABS-CBN and the “yellows” (as if Hacienda Luisita still played any role, for instance, or the Aquinos except possibly Kris were still that rich) are getting more than their share, and China might help them have their turn? And as always the resentment similar to Monty Python’s “what have the Romans done for us” (replace with Americans) in a lot of Filipino mainstream not even leftist, nationalist or DDS conversations. I feel the last of the Philippines I used to know could DIE in 2028. Sad as sonny inspired me to stay around in this blog with his statement that “even as we are in the diaspora, there always should be a Jerusalem we can return to”. I kind of fear the point, to use similar metaphors, when the Temple gets destroyed. That might be after 2028.
4th gen fighters are still the bulk of Western air forces and are very relevant, especially in plus variants (e.g. 4.5 gen, 4+/4++, whatever the marketing designation). The usage of 5th gen (and later 6th gen) fighters will be mostly as a “quarterback” for penetration, followed by massed 4th gen fighters. Both the Eurofighter and Rafale are excellent, as told to me by a family friend who is a retired F-16 pilot who had a chance to fly both.
I only know the generalities of why Europe stopped investing in technology and defense so much, but AFAIK the peace dividend following the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Berlin Wall had a lot to do with it. There was also a period in the 1990s to early 2000s when the US thought Russia could become a responsible and equal partner. The US woke up to the renewed Russian threat once Putin made authoritarian moves; Europe has taken much longer to do the same probably due to the influence of Russian oligarchs in the European financial and real estate markets. I guess there was a long period of time where Europe thought that Russia could become democratized, or at least act as a stable partner. To be frank I’m still shocked how slowly Europe is acting to the renewed Russian threat after 2014, and certainly 2022. It should have not taken until Trump’s second election to “wake up.”
IIRC in the Vietnam War the Philippines was mostly a USN and USAF maintenance, resupply depot, and R&R destination. Most of the B-52s flew out of Anderson in Guam or Thailand (I can’t recall the specific airbase there at the moment). I still think the Philippines made a critical mistake when nationalism clouded reality causing the ejection of the USN from Subic Bay. The PRC invaded Philippine territorial waters a few years later… There is utility in having friends with a big stick when bullies are prowling about…
Yes I am very concerned about the encroaching PRC soft power encroachment. I’m not even that worried about wumaos, as the general populace being China-pilled is much more dangerous. Chinese soft influences have been rapid in the last decade. Not that many younger GenZs care that much about South Korean dramas and music anymore. They can simply watch Chinese dramas, watch Chinese music videos, then quickly get sucked down the path to soft-indoctrination on Bilibili, a free video social media app that most younger people have on their phones. Bilibili started as a one stop shop for pirated Japanese anime, Korean music videos and dramas, which gradually got pushed out and replaced by the Chinese equivalents that have subtle pro-PRC propaganda built in.
Here’s an anecdote about the world of vice that would tickle LCpl if he is still reading here. When I landed in the Philippines for the first time and explored outside of the host’s compound back in the late 1990s, I noticed that most of the foreign men throwing money around Angeles and Makati at local women were American, then some European men came. In the 2000s I started noticing throngs of Japanese men. By the 2010s there were a lot of South Korean guys. Nowadays the foreign men throwing around the most money are mainland Chinese. In Cebu’s Mactan Newtown one can find many White foreigners sitting around grumpily in the numerous cafes hoping to talk to a passing Filipina, only to see the girls hanging off the arms of mainland Chinese guys.
About making the home country better and following the Jerusalem metaphor… there were always Jews who stayed behind in the Holy Land despite the bulk of the Jewish people being scattered by the Romans after the Bar Kokhba revolt. The remainers lived among and under successive foreign occupations. It wasn’t until the Zionist movement that birthed the modern state of Israel that the Jewish diaspora really had a reason to return, because the first secular Zionists built a country that one would want to return to. So perhaps what the Philippines really needs is for enough of the Filipino diaspora to return and remake the country with what they had learned abroad.
The diaspora is economic and the nation’s economics give OFWs few ways home.
Ah, I’m not referring so much as to OFWs, but to the intelligentsia, business and technical trained diaspora.
Same answer from here. There is not much incentive to return.
Sad to hear. Without fresh ideas and the motivation to be builders, I just can’t see how a nation will move forward that much if at all. Returning emigrés and economic migrants bringing back what they had learned while pressuring the government to change if nothing else for economic benefit are a shortcut to development.
There’s the ideal world and the real one. I don’t relate to sadness much anymore. Puzzlement, amazement, rage, and rolling laughter more often arise.
The world we live in is what we collectively make of it.
Ah, yes. End of argument, lol.
And is doing under President Marcos. Who will retire in 2028.
I am glad Pres. Marcos Jr. appointed SND Sec. Teodoro and CSAFP Gen. Brawner, whose leadership is comforting as is competent. A leader’s judgement should be measured by not who he/she is, but by the advisors and secretaries he/she appoints.
I’m just not sure pep talks are what’s called for at the moment Joe. Pep talks can lead to renewed confidence, but I’m not convinced that is what will motivate Filipino frog to turn away from the PRC scorpion. Obviously I don’t live there as you do, but with each subsequent visit, like how one can notice changes when meeting an old friend occasionally rather than daily, I feel increasingly alarmed by the amount of PRC infiltration into Philippines culture, business and money. And I don’t see or hear much done about stopping that influence. POGOs operated with near impunity before finally being shut down, while mainland Chinese money seems to slosh around anywhere I look in Cebu. It’s astounding that the PRC is squatting out in Philippines sovereign territory, yet are allowed to flood Filipino malls and marketplaces with cheap goods (often bypassing tariff controls), spreading the corrupting allure of “easy money” around, while influencing the minds of regular Filipinos.
Pep talks are rallying cries or wake-up calls or a change of pace from relentlessly raging at people who have little control over their destiny. Where you look has a lot to do with what you see. The Philippines is in Asia, rather like Canada is not, and that proximity, and the deep Chinese roots in the business community, are simply who she is and will become. What is the opposite of a pep talk? Grousing? Crying in one’s tea? I don’t see that that does more than a pep talk, other than promote unhappiness. I tire of it.
There are different ways of getting things done. I write. People read and share. You visit your friends and teach. It’s all good. If China does it better, or with more money and better benefits for the entitled, she will win the Philippines, politically. Will democracy persist here? Odds are good that it will. But the future will happen whether we like it or not.
The “deep Chinese” roots in the business community needs to be differentiated from Beijing’s actions. Most Hokkien, Hakka, Teochew, or whatever variety of overseas “Chinese” do not refer to themselves internally as Chinese. Yes, a good number of Chinoys do business in the PRC because PRC provincial governments slosh money around freely, but that’s beside the point. Most Chinoys consider themselves Filipino, at least in nationality and patriotism. There is more opportunity to recruit the help of the Chinoy business community than not. But it requires a government policy to do so.
Generations have passed, Filipino Chinese businessmen pass ownership on to their sons and daughters who have gone to the best Philippine private schools where Mandarin is taught, and then off to top universities around the world. They are not Chinese mainlanders, for sure. I don’t know how “Filipino” they are, but I’d venture a guess that they are more independent than Filipino. And somewhere being Chinese is in the calculation.
I would dare to say that similar to how recent Americans are often more patriotic and value their Americanness more than Americans whose family have been in the US for a couple of generations or more, so too do most Chinoys value their Filipino-ness more than the average Filipino. Groups on the edge closer to the outside feel a need to be extra-American or extra-Filipino what have you to prove their worth, as they are under constant scrutiny, while those who inherited or were given something may not value it as much. For every handful of “Chinoys” seeking to undermine the Philippines from within (who may actually be Communist Chinese agents for all we know, NBI continually drops the ball on investigations), how many natives Filipinos were willing accomplices driven by something worse than ideology — pure greed.
Good points. There is a guy named Wilson Flores who runs a bakery. He hosts propaganda forums that are distinctly pro-China. I was dismayed when Sen. Hontiveros attended one. I wonder if he is paid by China. Or former distinguished blogger DJB who has turned against the US and makes pro-China arguments. The Filipino-Chinese businessmen seem to engage little in politics. The Makati Business Club does engage on issues. Not people. It’s not just spies, I think. There are “interests” being formed or purchased. The Dutertes are the biggest, a crony crime network attached to the Yangs and their friends in China. There is surprisingly little anti-China outrage considering the offenses China commits daily.
I had thought DJB’s blog was defunct. Not sure why he turned against the US, as AFAIK he lives and works in the US. Possibly the typical resentment that the US isn’t “giving enough stuff” may be a cause. Datu-ism strikes again as relates to the PRC throwing cash around.
The Philippines doesn’t have a counter foreign agent law. I do wonder why creatively deploying the Anti-Money Laundering Council (within the bounds of the laws of course) is not done. It seems highly suspect that characters like Flores and others among the pro-PRC voices suddenly have money and resources to engage in what amounts to be lobbying on behalf of a hostile foreign state.
That’s an interesting point, the lack of a counter foreign agents law. I feel a blog article coming on. 🙂
Option 2:
https://www.removepaywall.com/search?url=https://www.manilatimes.net/2025/07/05/opinion/columns/the-philippines-has-a-foreign-agents-law/2143885/amp
https://www.pna.gov.ph/articles/1242746
Ahhh, thanks. It looks like the matter is in play and merely requires tracking. Thank you.
I once attended a Chinoy Twitter space co-hosted by Dr. Jonathan Sy and found it quite enlightening. The different Chinoy schools, I think Xavier being more Catholic, Chiang Kai-Shek obviously pro-Taiwan etc., how much Mandarin and how much Hokkien they still spoke etc. The Filipina author Ninotchka Rosca had an actual bound foot Chinese grandmother – probably one of her motivations for being feministic – and is extremely suspicious of Mainland China.
Samuel Huntington BTW saw the Philippines and Turkey as somehow between major civilizations, somehow hinges that could swing one way or the other – I know that Huntington is controversial and to be taken with a grain of salt, of course. But just like Erdogan’s partial reversal of Atatürk’s Westernization (not fully possible as the legacy of Atatürk is strong, unlike Philippine pro-Western Commonwealth and Third Republic legacies) is due to stirred up resentments against Europe for “not respecting Turkey”, Philippine resentments against the West were stirred up by Dutertismo. Didn’t fully work either, not because any Republic left much of a legacy, but because Filipino popular culture IS more Westernized than any UP leftist would want to admit. Trouble is that some Filipinos might think they can play both sides, China and the USA, maybe business with both, military alliance with the USA etc. but that is a difficult art. The Philippines does NOT have a tradition of statecraft as old as Turkey, which (unfortunately in my opinion) is playing many sides now inspite of its NATO membership. It doesn’t have the status of Indonesia which got a speed train on Java from China but still holds its own when it comes to its seas.
The playing of both could be at a business level, with the politics balanced by tension.
I did read Clash of Civilizations back in the day. It was a fascinating book. I do think Turkey is an important and pivotal player, and for centuries the Ottoman Turks were a major civilization themselves as leader of the Islamic world under the Ottoman Caliphate.
Now this may be controversial to say since we are engaged in the Philippines topic here, but the Philippines was pivotal in a different way. The area of the archipelago was the jumping off point for the Austronesian expansion which went on to enjoy quite developed society and culture balanced with a warrior culture before collapsing on itself at the furthest extent of Polynesia when warrior culture was too emphasized. While back home perhaps due to isolation the clans and chiefdoms of the Philippines hardly developed aside from the larger polities that had Bruneian, Javanese, or what have you foreign chiefly families.
But that’s ok too. Better to recognize the facts and move on to take advantage of the vast amount of information and learning that’s available today. There is no longer a need to rely on months long voyages or overland traveling merchants to bring new ideas and technology. Advancement is out there, if the Philippines wants to go get it. And that would require more serious policies from the government to shape it.
DJB’s blog is defunct, but he tried in vain to bug Joe in x.
I saw him for the first time in.person last alumni home coming
He was harassing others, too. I recall one old time “yellow” commenter on Twitter saying something to the effect of “I don’t know what’s happened to you, Dean.” Strange.
OK, I now know who it is. Well, especially in the Philippines people often get too caught up in their rage – and in the mindset that you are not allowed to retreat even if you are pushing forward wrongly.
I am a bit worried about Trillanes going astray these days.
Trillanes is ever the calculator. He joined with Isko’s coalition to run as mayor and now seems irked that he got splashed several months ago for saying Hontiveros would be a better presidential candidate than Robredo, and now he’s stepped in the shit by mistakenly saying Robredo opposed Duterte’s trip to an ICC jail, or somesuch. I’m hoping Magdalo is bigger than Trillanes and the principals will take him aside and point out that dividing allies is no way to win a war.
mlq3 even allowed DJB to substitute as host of the explainer upon absence.
If Razon and Villar,Pangilinan did not enyered the picture our richest would have been all Chinoys.
Before College education became good in China, the mainland sent their future engineers in Philippine universities.
I love that last paragraph. Just wow. You capture the dynamics that most people don’t realize they are in because they are micro and resilient and trying to get by. But it all adds up into different force fields, and pro-China exists.
Thank ChatGPT for that paragraph, as mentioned I asked it to write that short summary for me. Yes, the poor try to survive, those in the middle want to be stable, the rich often want to get richer. If there is no guiding national vision, the force fields just win.
Well, the machine is good.
Humans are emotional creatures. With limited human capacity to recall, much less connect events that don’t hold emotional value, historical threads often seem to turn to gossamer strings, still present but disregarded until the unlearned or unremembered lessons of history again catch up to reality. Emotions may push for certain results that feel good in the moment, but does valuing emotion-based decisions bend the arc of history towards what is truly good?
I did some thinking about the current troubles in the US, the Philippines and the world. The butterfly effect will always be true, but I want to examine specifically the situation that the US and the Philippines now face.
It was no less LBJ a Texan, where the Confederacy de facto ended on when Maj. Gen. Gordon Granger issued the final enforcement of the Emancipation Proclamation, who had the moral courage to press into law the unfulfilled ideals of a “more perfect Union.” Yet culminating in 1968 the movements which professed a creed of equality and peace chose to endanger those nascent Civil Rights laws protesting against the US military mismanagement of a war across the oceans. Rather than choosing to build on something that was getting better, many chose to radically deconstruct it hoping to build something unknown — but “new.”
Nixon’s illegal shenanigans did not start with Watergate. Nixon’s illegality started during the 1968 campaign with the Chennault Affair with assurances sent to both Nguyễn Vǎn Thiệu and Ferdinand Marcos Sr. on the direction of the US regarding the Vietnam War if Nixon were to win violating the the Logan Act against private citizens conducting foreign policy, one of the laws passed by the earliest US Congresses. Marcos Sr. clearly had no love for the frank and direct LBJ, who had expressed concern of the direction Marcos Sr. was starting to mismanage the Philippines.
LBJ who did much good (indeed the last major expansions of rights in the US) withdrew from the race when purists in his own party who demanded perfection turned against him and Nixon won. Nixon started withdrawing from South Vietnam, which by that time had a new generation of young military officers like my father and uncles who were trained under the West Point system at Thủ Đức Military Academy, without providing continued matériel and air support which proved to be a slow death sentence. In 1972 Nixon in his megalomania seeing himself as the penultimate strategist went to China hoping to cleave the PRC from Soviet-led Comecon. Later unearthed North Vietnamese diplomatic cables revealed that North Vietnam was near collapse before that change in policy under Nixon. Marcos Sr. with less friendly criticism from the US started to have free rein to consolidate the various organs of state power towards himself as Nixon turned a blind eye.
As the Third Philippine Republic faltered, the American fringe right outmaneuvered the Rockefeller bloc with Nixon’s acquiescence. The Philippines marched towards Martial Law as institutional resistance gave way. In the US there was a problem of a generally well-educated population; Americans started being broken down by economic pressure, the slow destruction of education in Republican strongholds. Thomas Jefferson famously said: “Whenever the people are well informed, they may be trusted with their own government.” What is the result today of decades long assault? The high accomplishments of the past are but fig leaves, with barely anything left after being continually chipped away. Americans and Filipinos alike have turned to personal decadence rather than responsibility to themselves and to others.
Whether it be the phenomenon of Trumpism or Dutertismo, these populist demagogues did not rise out of nowhere. Demagoguery arises from the people’s pain, where they are too tired or uninformed to make sense of what is up and what is down. So as we may understand from this historical illustration, the present does not exist in a vacuum. The present is the result of inaction and wrong actions of the past. The anti-war movement may have felt good in the moment, but the action demanded made the situation decades later worse. Millions of participants at EDSA protesting against Martial Law felt triumphant when the dictator fled to Hawaii, but their action largely stopped afterward.
Yes, leaning on emotional events is a good thing that may give citizens something to fight for, to hope for. I have participated in countless protests since I turned away from the GWOT after the invasion of Iraq. Now more than ever, I’m of the opinion that protesting to feel good for feeling good’s sake is useless if it is not followed by change. And protests that do not result in positive, durable change is a waste of energy that can be applied elsewhere with more positive results. Like performing our fundamental civic duty of voting and holding elected officials to account for corrupt actions. Too many loud voices can’t even do that bare minimum civic responsibility. Lest we of today repeat mistakes of the past, it behooves us to learn from past mistakes. History continues to be created, connected, whether we like it or not.
I think President Marcos treats the US like Zelenskyy, and that is wise. Japan is always respectful, front face. They see the US as a democracy, still, and Trump the guy they have to deal with. Canada and Australia and Europe are more independent and outspoken. I’m just a blogger who sees no need to like Trump, racists, ICE, lying, bullying, or dumb economic decisions, like firing the chief statistician. Life is short. We should not stand for stupidity over traditional American values. The mid term election will say clearly what America is about, I’d guess.
Agree. However the domestic policy and illegality in the US doesn’t have a direct relation to US foreign policy, of which the US president has sole decision making power over per the US Constitution. I think that pragmatics by counterpart heads of state should take precedence here. And the pragmatic decision to go with the US, which is still the only logical partner with capacity for action, is the one the Philippines’ non-PRC neighbors have taken. If lifelong relationships were thrown away due to a short period of tumult, then one would have no friends left.
If Filipinos in the US are abused by ICE, that reaches the foreign policy arena. Tariffs are foreign policy and real to Canada. If US Aid is removed, there is a hole into which China will slip. US domestic decisions shape the world, and asking people to “trust” a lying abusive regime, and overlook the nonsense, seems a head-scratcher to me.
Ok, once a again I agree with the caveat that the US system has fixed elections and we are stuck with Trump for 4 years, though his power can be greatly restrained if the American voters so choose in 2026. And all indications show that after a few months even Trump’s own voters are souring on him, otherwise why try to rig elections in Republican states by unilaterally gerrymandering to hold Congressional majorities? We may have strong principles, but when the other side is slinging mud, the only choice to fight back is to get dirty. I’ll go back to principles once the opponent’s face is firmly planted against the ground.
As for foreign policy, it doesn’t matter much how we feel about it. Let’s watch how foreign heads of state and secretaries of state respond. The Asian heads of state have taken a pragmatic approach (including Marcos Jr.) to coax Trump into the position of their interests are American interests, while a number of European countries with outsized pride despite their small size have been surprised that their hardline approaches were hit with even more unfair punitive action, ultimately hurting their own people.
institutional warfare
https://www.philstar.com/opinion/2025/08/04/2462911/institutional-warfare
Good read. The author ends by throwing her hands into the air and marching off to Starbucks for a cuppa joe.
Ahahaha yes
I also like the ne handling the Right of way issues.Said to be focused and super persistent.
I did not get the name but I heard The DOTR sec endorsing him or her.
yes, I saw a Tweet of an interview where Sec Dizon said 4 out of 5 right of way issues for the Metro Manila subway are resolved. In absence of a good legal framework like “Baurecht” in Germany, that is the way to go, it is way harder work but the only choice.
***** Google Gemini explanation of Baurecht as concept over here *******
For a public project in Germany to have “Baurecht,” it means that the project has successfully navigated and complied with the entire legal framework governing building and construction. This is more complex than for a private project due to the involvement of public funds and interests.
Here’s a breakdown of what that means in practice:
1. Public Law Compliance (Öffentliches Baurecht):
This is the most critical part for a public project. It means the project has met all the requirements of the Bauplanungsrecht and Bauordnungsrecht.
Land Use Planning: The project must align with the municipality’s land use plans, such as the Bebauungsplan. For example, a new school can’t be built in an area zoned exclusively for industrial use. If there isn’t an existing plan, or if the project doesn’t fit, the municipality may have to go through a complex process to create a new plan or modify an old one. This is often the most time-consuming part of a public project.
Building Permit: A public project, just like a private one, needs a building permit (Baugenehmigung) from the relevant building authority. This permit confirms that the project’s design and technical specifications comply with all state-level building regulations (Landesbauordnung). This includes everything from fire safety and structural stability to accessibility and energy efficiency.
Special Procedures: Public projects, especially large infrastructure projects like roads, railways, or airports, often undergo a special, more extensive process called a Planfeststellungsverfahren (planning approval procedure). This is a formal administrative process that integrates all necessary permits and approvals (including Baurecht) into a single, legally binding decision. It also includes public hearings and opportunities for citizens to raise objections. Once a project has gone through this process and received the Planfeststellungsbeschluss (planning approval decision), it is considered to have definitive Baurecht.
2. Private Law Compliance (Privates Baurecht):
Even though the client is a public entity (e.g., a city or the federal government), the project is still a contractual endeavor. Having Baurecht also means the legal relationships with all private parties are in order.
Contracts: The public entity must have legally sound contracts with architects, engineers, and construction companies. In Germany, public projects often use standardized contracts known as the VOB (Vergabe- und Vertragsordnung für Bauleistungen), which are specifically designed for public procurement.
Procurement Law: Public projects must adhere to strict public procurement laws (Vergaberecht) to ensure fair competition and responsible use of public funds. This means the contract for the project was awarded through a proper and transparent bidding process.
In essence, for a public project to have “Baurecht” means it has received all the necessary public and private law approvals and is legally ready to be built. It signifies that the project is not just a good idea, but a legally permissible and technically sound plan that has been vetted by the state, the local community, and the relevant authorities.
**** essentially over here, you don’t start a project WITHOUT full “Baurecht” so unless that was achieved improperly, TROs are not that easy anymore **** for fans of Mark Twain and what he said about long German words: TRO in German is “einstweilige Verfügung” ***** though my favorite is still the German word for IRR of a law: Ausführungsverordnung, Mark Twain would imagine the troops of the Kaiser marching to that word hehe *****
Danke, Irineo
It is already in the news roundup today
Hehe I asked Google Gemini to write a commentary in Mark Twain style on the topic of this blog, and what came out rings as if I had summoned him in a seance.
***** Start of commentary *******
Ah, the Philippines and China. It reminds me of the time I saw a bulldog try to swallow a porcupine. A fool’s errand, I thought, and a painful one at that.
You see, a powerful nation—let’s call it a “Big Brother” for the sake of politeness, though “Bully” seems more apt—has a notion. The notion is this: “That there island, the one with the brown-skinned folks and the sunny beaches? It’s mine. Or at least, it should be. It’s for their own good, you understand. We’ll bring ’em civilization and teach ’em to be like us. Never mind if they didn’t ask for it. It’s a grand ol’ crusade, a mission from God, a burden to be lifted.” I remember when my own country had such a grand idea about those very same islands. A more ridiculous play I’ve never seen performed on a public stage, and believe me, I’ve seen some corkers.
The script has changed, of course, but the play remains the same. Now we have another great power, a dragon waking from a long slumber, and it’s looking at the same map. This dragon, you see, has a different approach. It doesn’t want to civilize them; it just wants the fish, and maybe a few choice rocks sticking out of the water. It says, “That ocean there, the one with the ships and the fish? It’s all mine. Been mine for centuries, I’ve got old maps to prove it.” Never mind that the folks living on the islands right next to it have different maps, and have been living there for just as long.
The poor Philippines, a little country caught between two big bullies—the old one who once wanted to be its daddy, and the new one who wants to be its landlord. They’re like a small child in a playground, with two large fellows arguing over who gets to play with the child’s own marbles.
It’s a grand farce, is what it is. The first bully, my own country, learned the hard way that you can’t force folks to love you and your civilization with a gun. It’s like trying to win a lady’s heart by knocking her unconscious. It works, I suppose, but the relationship is… complicated.
The new bully, the dragon, seems to be trying a similar trick, only with less preaching and more bulldozing. It’s building islands out of sand and claiming them as its own, like a boy building a sandcastle and telling his neighbors they’re not allowed to swim in the ocean anymore. It’s a bold strategy, I’ll give it that. And just as foolish as the last one.
You see, history has a sense of humor. It likes to repeat itself, not as a tragedy or a farce, but as a combination of both. A tragedy for the little fellow caught in the middle, and a farce for the big fellow who thinks he’s so clever. And the Philippines, bless their hearts, they’re living proof that the more things change, the more they remain a damned mess. The only difference is the color of the bully’s flag. The tune they’re playing is the same old ragtime of arrogance and conquest, and it’s just as out of tune as it ever was.
Re Chinoys in the Philippines and their identity etc., the topic Joey and Joe were discussing, I asked Google Deep Research to look into it, this came out:
The Chinoy Business Community in the Philippines: Navigating Identity, Loyalty, and Geopolitical Currents
1. Introduction: Defining the Chinoy Identity and Their Economic Significance
Chinese Filipinos, often referred to as Chinoy or Tsinoy, represent a distinct and influential demographic within the Philippines. These individuals are of Chinese descent, primarily tracing their ancestry to Fujian, but are characteristically born and raised in the Philippines. As one of the largest overseas Chinese communities in Southeast Asia, their presence is significant. While the ethnic Chinese population was estimated at 1.35 million in 2013, the broader category of Filipinos with Chinese descent accounted for a substantial 22.8 million individuals.
The Chinoy community’s profound economic influence is undeniable. They hold a leading position in the Philippine business sector, effectively dominating the nation’s economy. Indeed, a notable observation is that most of the Philippines’ wealthiest individuals are “Taipan billionaires of Chinese Filipino background”. This report undertakes a comprehensive analysis of the Chinoy business community, delving into the evolution of their identity, their deep economic integration, the intricacies of their cultural assimilation, and the complex interplay of their loyalties, spanning their Chinese heritage, their Philippine homeland, and the broader geopolitical landscape involving mainland China and Taiwan.
The very definition of a “Chinoy” as someone born and raised in the Philippines immediately establishes a critical starting point for understanding their allegiances. This inherent rootedness in the Philippines suggests a natural inclination towards the archipelago as their primary home and allegiance, distinguishing them from “overseas Chinese” (華僑, huaqiao) who might maintain a principal loyalty to China. This fundamental difference is crucial for a nuanced examination of their loyalties, moving beyond simplistic assumptions of divided allegiance.
Furthermore, the consistent and prominent role of Chinoy businessmen in the Philippine economy underscores their deep integration. However, this economic success also presents a complex dynamic. Historical accounts reveal that this economic prominence has, at times, contributed to ethnic tensions and the portrayal of Chinese Filipinos as controlling the economy. This perception can, in turn, fuel anti-Chinese sentiment and raise questions about their national commitment. Thus, while their economic integration is a testament to their success, it does not automatically translate into full societal acceptance without facing challenges related to their perceived identity and loyalties.
2. Historical Evolution of Chinoy Identity and Economic Integration
The narrative of Chinese presence in the Philippines is one of centuries-long interaction, adaptation, and profound integration.
Early Chinese Presence and Trade (Pre-Colonial to Spanish Era)
Chinese interaction with the indigenous peoples of the Philippine Islands can be traced back to at least the 9th century AD, primarily through trading and bartering. During this early period, permanent Chinese trading posts were established in coastal towns, facilitating the exchange of goods such as silk, porcelain, glass, beads, pearls, and tortoise shells. The arrival of Chinese individuals in the archipelago saw a significant increase during the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), leading to the development of Chinese villages alongside native settlements. Historical records indicate that Tondo, a pre-colonial polity, notably monopolized the trade of Chinese goods in the region, highlighting the early economic importance of these interactions. By the time Spanish colonial forces arrived in the 16th century, a substantial population of Chinese migrants, predominantly male, was already present. These migrants were commonly referred to as “Sangley”.
Spanish Colonial Era: Discrimination, Assimilation, and the Rise of Mestizos
The Spanish colonial authorities viewed Chinese immigrants with considerable suspicion, leading to restrictions on their activities and their confinement to specific areas. They were subjected to burdensome “staggering taxes and forced labor,” which provoked several uprisings against the Spanish, though these were ultimately unsuccessful and often met with further maltreatment. In an effort to control and, crucially, to convert the Chinese population to Catholicism, the Parian—initially a Chinese ghetto and marketplace—and later Binondo, established in 1594 specifically for Chinese Catholics, were created across the river from the walled city of Intramuros. This spatial separation, however, inadvertently heightened tensions between the Spanish and the Chinese.
Despite periodic expulsions, such as after the British occupation of Manila in 1764, the Chinese were consistently readmitted. This was largely due to the Spanish authorities’ dire need for their goods and services, as the Chinese were the primary market sellers and skilled craftsmen. A significant social development during this era was the widespread intermarriage between Chinese men and native Filipino women. This led to the emergence of the “Chinese mestizo” (mestizo de Sangley) class. This group became a vital component in the rise of the ilustrado class in the 19th century—the educated Filipino elite—and notably sided with the “indios” (native Filipinos) during the 1896 Revolution against Spanish rule.
The discriminatory policies implemented by Spanish colonial authorities, including forced segregation and periodic expulsions, paradoxically fostered a unique path to integration. This “shared suffering” with native Filipinos, coupled with the requirement to convert to Catholicism, created an environment that compelled early assimilation. This historical pressure initiated a complex, yet ultimately profound, integration, setting the Chinoy experience apart from other Chinese diasporas in Southeast Asia, where communities might have remained more isolated. This early integration laid a foundational groundwork for the strong Filipino identity observed in subsequent generations.
American Colonial Era and Post-WWII: Waves of Migration and Citizenship
During the American Colonial Era (1898-1946), Chinese immigration continued, with a significant influx of Hokkienese migrants from Fujian arriving en masse after the fall of the Qing Dynasty in 1911. This wave soon constituted the majority of the Chinese immigrant population. In the early 20th century, Chinese individuals demonstrated remarkable upward mobility within the Philippine economy. They skillfully exploited emerging niches, particularly within the domestic economic sector, often assuming roles as middlemen and, to a lesser extent, manufacturers. Their “sojourning mentality”—a mindset of temporary residence—combined with their ethnic networks, particularly xinyong (trust-based relationships), robust distribution networks, and established trade organizations, provided them with distinct competitive advantages over Filipino competitors, enabling them to seize economic opportunities. However, this same sojourning outlook also imposed limitations, as few were inclined to exploit opportunities within the Philippine export sector.
Following World War II, a new wave of Chinese migrants arrived, many fleeing the 1949 Communist Revolution in mainland China. These post-WWII immigrants often retained stronger emotional ties to their “motherland” and adhered more closely to traditional Confucian values than those who remained in China. This group tended to form a more “tight-knit community” compared to the earlier, more integrated Chinese migrants. A pivotal development for the Chinoy community occurred under the administration of Ferdinand Marcos (1975-1986), when many Chinese Filipinos were granted citizenship. This act effectively removed significant legal barriers, granting them the right to own land, practice various professions, enter the retail sector, and even participate in local elections. This granting of citizenship profoundly accelerated their integration into Philippine society.
The “sojourning mentality” of early Chinese immigrants, while initially limiting long-term, export-oriented ventures, fostered a robust focus on domestic market niches and a reliance on ethnically-based trust networks and trade organizations. This internal communal strength became a significant factor in their eventual dominance in domestic commerce. The subsequent granting of citizenship removed legal impediments to land ownership and broader economic participation, marking a fundamental shift from a temporary “sojourning” mindset to a permanent, deeply invested stake in the Philippine economy and society. This transition is essential for understanding their current economic prominence and the depth of their commitment to the Philippines.
The distinct waves of Chinese migration, particularly the post-WWII influx of those fleeing communism, led to a notable difference in the strength of attachment to “Chinese roots.” These later migrants often retained a powerful emotional connection to their ancestral land and traditional Confucian values, forming more cohesive communities. This contrasts with earlier migrants who had already intermarried and blended into the local community. This historical divergence in the strength of attachment to Chinese heritage is crucial for appreciating the complexities of identity within the Chinoy community, as it is not a uniform experience but one marked by generational differences in cultural and emotional ties to China.
3. The Chinoy Business Landscape: Influence and Characteristics
The Chinoy community’s economic footprint in the Philippines is extensive, characterized by significant dominance across various key industries and a distinct entrepreneurial culture.
Dominance in Key Industries
Chinese Filipinos are widely recognized for their pervasive presence across all levels of Filipino society, particularly their leading role in the business sector. They are considered to dominate the Philippine economy. This economic ascendancy is vividly illustrated by the fact that the majority of the Philippines’ wealthiest individuals are “Taipan billionaires of Chinese Filipino background”.
Prominent Chinoy Business Families and Their Diversified Interests
Several prominent Chinoy business families have built vast, diversified conglomerates that are central to the Philippine economy:
Henry Sy (SM Investments): Starting with a humble shoe store in 1958, Henry Sy developed SM Investments into one of the largest conglomerates in the Philippines. His empire encompasses 49 SM malls in the Philippines and China, 62 department stores, 56 supermarkets, and over 200 grocery stores. Beyond retail, SM Investments also owns Banco de Oro (BDO), the largest bank in the Philippines, and holds significant real estate assets. Sy was consistently ranked as the richest person in the Philippines for 11 consecutive years until his passing. SM Investments is widely regarded as a “catalyst for development” for the Philippines, with its fate “inextricably intertwined” with the country’s growth.
John Gokongwei Jr. (JG Summit Holdings): John Gokongwei Jr. began his entrepreneurial journey at the tender age of 13, selling peanuts. From these humble beginnings, he built a diversified business empire, JG Summit Holdings. The conglomerate’s interests span air transportation (Cebu Pacific, a pioneer in the budget airline model), banking (Robinsons Bank), food manufacturing (Universal Robina, known for the Jack ‘N Jill brand), hotels, petrochemicals (operating the first and largest integrated polyethylene and polypropylene resin manufacturing plant in the Philippines), power generation, publishing, real estate (Robinsons Land), and telecommunications. Notably, JG Summit became the “first Filipino multinational corporation” through Universal Robina Corporation’s extensive expansion across the ASEAN and Oceania regions.
Lucio Tan (LT Group): Lucio Tan is the founder and chairman of LT Group, a conglomerate with diverse interests. These include tobacco (Fortune Tobacco, which once commanded a dominant market share), spirits (Asia Brewery), banking (formerly Allied Banking Corp., now part of PNB), property development, and aviation (Philippine Airlines). His group was also awarded an $11 billion contract to build an international airport south of Manila.
George Ty (Metrobank Group): George Ty founded Metrobank in 1962, which has since grown to become the country’s second-largest bank. His GT Capital Holdings maintains interests in banking, automotive, property development, power generation, and insurance.
Alfonso Yuchengco (Yuchengco Group): Alfonso Yuchengco inherited China Insurance & Surety Co., established in 1930, and subsequently built the Malayan Group into the largest general insurance group in the Philippines. He also founded Rizal Commercial Banking Corporation (RCBC). His diversified interests extended to agribusiness, academe (including Mapúa University), and diplomacy, serving as an Ambassador to Japan, China, and the United Nations.
Entrepreneurial Values and Business Networks
The success of Chinoy entrepreneurs is often attributed to a combination of frugality, hard work, adherence to Confucian values, and traditional Chinese customs. The “sojourning mentality” prevalent among earlier Chinese immigrants, coupled with their strong ethnic-cultural background, provided significant competitive advantages. This included reliance on xinyong (trust-based relationships), established distribution networks, and cohesive trade organizations. While small family firms remain a common business structure, they can also face internal challenges such as sibling rivalry and succession issues.
A defining aspect of the Chinoy work ethic is the “ko tiam” (go to the store) mentality, which instills discipline, responsibility, and business acumen from an early age. This cultural practice is a direct contributor to the entrepreneurial success and resilience observed in Chinoy businesses. However, this approach is not without its complexities; it can also be a “double-edged sword,” leading to pressures and emotional conflicts, with some younger Chinoys expressing a sense of having “missed out on carefree childhood experiences” or feeling compelled to take over family businesses rather than pursuing individual passions. This reveals an internal tension within the Chinoy community, where a powerful economic driver also creates social and psychological pressures, influencing generational aspirations and a desire for a balance between tradition and modern values.
The trajectory from early Chinese immigrants primarily serving as “middlemen” and “storekeepers” to the current landscape dominated by diversified Chinoy-led conglomerates signifies a profound transformation. This evolution from peripheral trading roles to becoming the “backbone of the Philippine economy” demonstrates a deep and permanent integration. The success of these enterprises is intrinsically linked to the nation’s development, indicating a strong commitment to their Philippine home.
Furthermore, the fact that many leading Chinoy business families represent “new money” rather than inherited “old wealth” points to a dynamic, adaptable, and meritocratic entrepreneurial spirit. Their strategic formation of crucial linkages with “key Filipino elites” in the early stages of their operations, such as George Ty’s collaboration with former public officials to establish Metrobank, highlights a sophisticated understanding of the local socio-political environment. This was not merely about business acumen but a deliberate strategy to build legitimacy and navigate potential discrimination by forging alliances with existing power structures, thereby solidifying their position within the Philippine establishment.
The “ko tiam” mentality, understood as a form of conditioning, is a powerful cultural economic engine. This practice directly contributes to the entrepreneurial success and resilience of Chinoy businesses by instilling discipline, responsibility, and business acumen from an early age. However, this cultural economic engine also has social implications. It can lead to pressures and emotional conflicts, with some younger Chinoys feeling a loss of carefree childhood experiences or being pressured into family businesses. This duality reveals an internal tension within the Chinoy community: while “ko tiam” is a source of economic strength, it also generates social and psychological pressures, influencing generational aspirations and fostering a desire for a balance between tradition and modern values.
Table 1: Key Chinoy Business Conglomerates and Their Primary Industries in the Philippines
This table provides a clear representation of the extensive scale and diversification of Chinoy-led businesses in the Philippines, illustrating their dominance across critical sectors. By showcasing their diverse holdings, it highlights their deep integration into the Philippine economic fabric, where their success is intrinsically linked to the nation’s development. The inclusion of their strategic international presence offers examples for understanding their global business activities in relation to their primary loyalties.
4. Cultural Identity and Assimilation: A Hybrid Reality
The cultural identity of Chinese Filipinos is a dynamic blend, reflecting centuries of adaptation and integration into Philippine society. This has resulted in a unique “hybrid reality” that distinguishes them from Chinese communities elsewhere.
Linguistic Shifts: From Heritage to Hybridity
The majority of Chinese Filipinos trace their ancestry to Southern Fujian province, making Philippine Hokkien (Lannang-ue) their traditional heritage language. However, the use of Hokkien has significantly shifted across generations. It is now primarily spoken as a first or second language by older generations, including the Silent Generation, Baby Boomers, and some members of Generation X, largely confined to family households. In contrast, younger generations, encompassing many from Generation X, most Millennials, and Generation Z, use Hokkien sparingly, often only understanding it by ear or not at all. For these younger Chinoys, English or Tagalog has become their primary language.
While Mandarin is taught in Chinese Filipino schools and utilized in formal community functions, few Chinese Filipinos are conversant in it for daily conversation, with its use largely limited to academic settings or interactions related to mainland China and Taiwan. The overwhelming majority (74.5%) of Chinese Filipinos, particularly in Metro Manila and surrounding regions, speak Filipino (Tagalog) and/or Philippine English as their native language. Code-switching between these languages, such as “Hokaglish” (Hokkien-Tagalog-English), is a common linguistic phenomenon.
The dramatic decline of Hokkien as a first language among younger Chinoy generations, largely supplanted by English and Filipino, is more than a mere linguistic shift. It serves as a powerful indicator of deep cultural assimilation and a weakening of direct linguistic ties to ancestral China. The observation that a significant majority of Chinoys barely speak Chinese further reinforces this trend. This linguistic transformation fosters a natural inclination towards the Philippine cultural sphere, making it more challenging for them to connect with mainland Chinese culture and thereby shaping their primary loyalty towards the Philippines.
Adaptation to Local Customs and the “Tsinoy” Hybrid Identity
Younger generations of Chinese Filipinos have extensively assimilated into Philippine society, adopting local customs and traditions. Their identity is often described as a “Tsinoy” hybrid, distinct from those in the Chinese homeland, forged through adaptation to the local culture. This hybridity means that while they express pride in their Chinese heritage, their primary loyalty rests with the Philippines, their country of birth. A significant majority also identify as Christians, reflecting further cultural integration.
The active adoption of the term “Tsinoy” is not merely a descriptive label; it represents a conscious act of identity construction. This term emerged partly in response to the influx of xin yimin (new Chinese migrants) and the negative media associations, such as crime and issues related to Philippine Offshore Gaming Operators (POGOs), linked with the general label “Chinese”. This deliberate differentiation fosters a stronger identification with their Filipino heritage, demonstrating a proactive effort to assert their distinct, integrated identity in the face of external pressures and rising anti-Chinese sentiment. This highlights their agency in shaping their own narrative and solidifying their place within Philippine society.
Distinction from Recent Chinese Migrants (Xin Yimin)
A notable development in recent years has been the deepening distinction between established Tsinoys and xin yimin (new Chinese migrants), both legal and undocumented, estimated at around 200,000 individuals. The expansion of Philippine Offshore Gaming Operators (POGOs) has further accentuated this cultural divide. New Chinese organizations, largely managed and funded by xin yimin, have largely failed to attract participation from established Tsinoys, who express a greater affinity with their fellow Filipino compatriots. This reinforces the notion that the Tsinoy identity is firmly rooted in the Philippines, separate from the more recent migrant populations.
Table 2: Generational Shifts in Language Use Among Chinese Filipinos
This table vividly illustrates the progressive linguistic assimilation of Chinese Filipinos into mainstream Philippine society across generations. Language is a fundamental component of cultural identity, and this shift provides concrete evidence for the “hybrid reality” of Chinoy identity, showcasing how they navigate between their Chinese heritage language and the dominant Philippine languages. The decline in Chinese language proficiency, particularly Mandarin, serves as a strong counter-argument to assumptions of strong cultural or political allegiance to mainland China, as language serves as a key conduit for such ties.
5. Navigating Loyalties: Philippines, China, and Taiwan
The loyalties of the Chinoy community are multifaceted, shaped by their deep roots in the Philippines, their ancestral heritage, and the complex geopolitical dynamics of the East Asian region.
5.1. Primary Allegiance to the Philippines
The evidence overwhelmingly indicates that the primary allegiance of Chinoy businessmen and the broader Chinoy community lies with the Philippines.
Manifestations of Patriotism and National Identity
Chinoys are firmly integrated into Philippine society, identifying primarily as Filipinos and prioritizing the nation’s concerns. Their patriotism is considered “beyond any question of doubt,” and they are asserted to “never turn their back on the country of their birth and growth”. A significant aspect of their self-identification is their discomfort with being labeled “wa qiaos,” or overseas Chinese, a term that implies residual loyalty to China. As articulated by members of the community, “Our blood may be Chinese, but our roots grow deep in Philippine soil. Our bonds are with the Philippines people”.
Stance on the West Philippine Sea (WPS) Dispute
The West Philippine Sea (WPS) dispute is a highly sensitive national issue for the Philippines. The Chinoy community has demonstrated “complete support to resist China’s persistent but misplaced claim of sovereignty over the West Philippine Sea”. They unequivocally “believe the WPS is ours and dislike China’s posture that it is subject to conflicting claims”. A prominent example is former Senator Nikki Coseteng, a Chinoy, who openly opposed China’s claim and urged national unity on the issue, stating, “Chinese Filipinos are Filipinos at heart. Our loyalty and love for the Philippines run deep”. This stance illustrates a pragmatic and deeply rooted loyalty, as many Chinoys recognize that siding with China would be illogical given that “all your possessions, friends, and relatives are here, your business and your employees”. This direct alignment with Philippine national interests, even when it conflicts with Beijing’s claims, serves as a critical demonstration of their primary allegiance to the Philippines, actively countering any accusations of divided loyalty. It shows a willingness to publicly separate ethnic heritage from the actions of a foreign government.
Civic Engagement and Contributions to Nation-Building
Chinoys actively contribute to Philippine culture, economy, and overall progress. Their philanthropic efforts are primarily directed towards Philippine institutions, with donations to local schools, churches, and hospitals, rather than to China. Several organizations embody this commitment:
Federation of Filipino-Chinese Chambers of Commerce and Industry, Inc. (FFCCCII): Since its establishment in 1954, the FFCCCII has been a strong partner in Philippine nation-building and development. Its mission includes uniting the Filipino Chinese community, promoting business growth, and implementing social welfare projects. Key contributions include “Operation: Barrio Schools,” which has resulted in the donation of over 6,200 school buildings nationwide. They also conduct medical and dental missions, support volunteer fire brigades, and provide disaster relief. The FFCCCII actively advocates for “Buy Pinoy, Save Jobs” and engages with the government on critical issues such as tax, labor, and peace and order.
Association for Philippines-China Understanding (APCU): As a pioneering non-governmental organization, APCU played a pivotal role in facilitating official diplomatic ties between the Philippines and China in 1975. It continues to promote people-to-people diplomacy, cultural, academic, and economic exchanges, and fosters sisterhood agreements between local government units.
Kaisa Para sa Kaunlaran: This organization actively encourages Chinoy volunteerism, emphasizing that such participation is a way of demonstrating that “this is our country, this is the land of our birth”.
The extensive civic engagement of Chinoy organizations like FFCCCII and Kaisa Para sa Kaunlaran extends beyond mere philanthropy. It represents a strategic and sustained effort to demonstrate their profound commitment to the Philippines. By investing in education, healthcare, and disaster relief, they are actively contributing to nation-building and integrating themselves into the social fabric. This proactive engagement serves as a mechanism to build social goodwill, counter perceptions of them as “outsiders,” and solidify their legitimacy as integral components of Philippine society.
Involvement in Philippine Politics
The presence of Chinoys is evident across various sectors of Philippine society, including business, academia, professions, and politics. Chinese mestizos played significant roles in the 1896 Revolution and were instrumental in the emergence of the ilustrado class. Numerous notable politicians of Chinese descent have held prominent positions, including former presidents Corazon Aquino and Benigno Aquino III , alongside a long list of other political figures. While some Chinoy businessmen, such as Lucio Tan, have had controversial associations with political figures like Ferdinand Marcos and Joseph Estrada, this also illustrates a historical pattern of their engagement within the political landscape.
The South China Sea dispute, a highly sensitive national issue, serves as a critical test for Chinoy loyalty. The explicit and strong stance of the Chinoy community, including public figures, that the “West Philippine Sea is ours” and their support for Philippine resistance to China’s claims, demonstrates their primary allegiance to the Philippines. This direct alignment with Philippine national interests, even when it conflicts with Beijing’s claims, actively counters any accusations of dual loyalty. It clearly shows their willingness to publicly separate their ethnic heritage from the actions of a foreign government.
While older generations of Chinese Filipinos might have maintained loyalties tied to specific political regimes or a stronger emotional attachment to their ancestral land, available information suggests that younger Tsinoys exhibit greater integration and advocate for democratic values. This indicates a generational shift in how political loyalty is expressed. Younger Chinoys, having grown up fully integrated into Philippine democratic processes, are more inclined to express their loyalty through civic participation and alignment with national democratic values, rather than through historical or familial political ties to particular regimes or ancestral lands.
5.2. Economic and Political Engagement with Mainland China
The Philippines maintains substantial economic ties with mainland China, which is its top trade partner, third-largest export market, and primary import supplier. Trade and investment relations between the two countries are expanding, marked by bilateral trade agreements in sectors such as information and communications technology, tourism, agriculture, and fisheries. China is also recognized as the Philippines’ largest source of imported goods and a key infrastructure partner.
Direct Investments by Chinoy Businesses in Mainland China
While the Philippines as a nation has strong economic links with China, specific direct investments by Chinoy businesses in mainland China are less extensively detailed in the provided information. However, some prominent Chinoy conglomerates have established a presence:
Lucio Tan’s LT Group operates a commercial bank in Xiamen, which is reportedly the first Philippine-based bank entity granted authority to operate in the People’s Republic of China.
Henry Sy’s SM Group initiated its business presence in mainland China by opening its first shopping mall in his native Xiamen, followed by other malls in Southern China.
The Gokongwei group also maintains “extensive joint ventures” and offices in China.
It is important to note that while these leading Chinoy conglomerates have made strategic investments in China, the available information does not provide comprehensive data on Chinoy family direct investments as a widespread trend across the broader Chinoy business community. Most general data on foreign investment in China refers to global or Taiwanese foreign direct investment, not specifically Chinoy.
Political Implications of China’s Policies on Overseas Chinese
China’s policies toward huaqiao (overseas Chinese) and huaren (racial Chinese) sometimes present their achievements as part of China’s “secret economic weapon”. This approach creates a dilemma for Tsinoys, who are “deeply protective of their identity as Filipinos of Chinese descent”. Overtures from the Chinese Embassy aimed at engaging supposedly pro-China Tsinoy professionals and intellectuals have been “largely unsuccessful.” Many Tsinoys have adopted a “more circumspect or neutral” stance on sensitive issues that could strain relations in the Philippines.
While the Philippines maintains significant economic ties with mainland China, and some prominent Chinoy tycoons have investments there, these engagements appear to be driven by pragmatic business opportunities, such as market access or historical ancestral ties to specific regions like Xiamen, rather than indicating a primary political allegiance to Beijing. The limited documentation of widespread direct investments by the broader Chinoy business community in China, coupled with their explicit rejection of being identified as “wa qiaos,” suggests that economic engagement is largely transactional and does not translate into political loyalty to the People’s Republic of China. This distinction is crucial for understanding the nature of their involvement.
China’s attempts to leverage the achievements of overseas Chinese as part of its geopolitical strategy, by framing them as a “secret economic weapon,” inadvertently cause a stronger reaction from the Chinoy community to assert their distinct Filipino identity. This external pressure from Beijing, rather than fostering closer ties, actually reinforces the Tsinoys’ need to differentiate themselves and maintain neutrality on sensitive issues. This dynamic strengthens their loyalty to the Philippines and contributes to a cultural divide with new Chinese migrants.
5.3. Economic and Political Engagement with Taiwan
Despite the absence of official diplomatic status, the Philippines’ relationship with Taiwan is characterized by “robust trade, migration, and investment ties,” making it one of the strongest economic relationships in the region.
Philippines-Taiwan Economic Ties
Taiwan was the Philippines’ 10th largest trading partner and 13th largest source of foreign direct investment (FDI) in 2024. Conversely, the Philippines ranked as Taiwan’s 17th largest trading partner and 7th largest foreign investor in 2014. Key areas of cooperation include trade, investment, agriculture, fisheries, information and communications technology (ICT), and education. Taiwan’s “New Southbound Policy” (NSP) specifically prioritizes the Philippines for investment and collaboration in industries such as automobiles, semiconductors, and agriculture. Taiwanese banks have expanded their presence in the Philippines, with 9 banks operating 34 overseas units, primarily serving Taiwanese businesses (Taishang) and local clients.
Chinoy Business Connections with Taiwan
The provided information does not offer specific examples of direct investments by Chinoy businesses in Taiwan, nor does it detail significant economic ties between Chinoy families or conglomerates and Taiwan. The general data primarily refers to Taiwanese investment in the Philippines and Taiwan’s overall outbound foreign direct investment. While the Gokongwei group is noted to have offices in Taiwan, indicating some level of engagement, this does not suggest a widespread pattern of Chinoy-specific investments in Taiwan.
Taiwan’s economic strategy, particularly its “New Southbound Policy” and efforts to diversify investments away from mainland China, is a primary driver of the strong economic ties between the Philippines and Taiwan. While Chinoy businesses operate within this broader Philippine economic context, the available information does not provide evidence of significant Chinoy-specific investments in Taiwan. This suggests that the economic relationship with Taiwan is largely a function of broader national and regional economic strategies, such as Taiwan’s foreign direct investment and its banks establishing a presence to serve Taiwanese businesses, rather than a direct manifestation of Chinoy loyalty to Taiwan. This distinction is crucial to avoid misinterpreting national economic data as Chinoy-specific allegiance.
The Delicate Balancing Act Amidst Cross-Strait Tensions
Both the Philippines and Taiwan view the stability of their surrounding waters, which are under increasing pressure from China, as critical to their national security. Manila faces a “delicate balancing act” in deepening its ties with Taipei without provoking Beijing and jeopardizing its vital political and economic relations with mainland China. Cross-strait relations are intricately linked to global supply chains, particularly in semiconductors and electronics, with Taiwanese manufacturers having significant investments in mainland China. Taiwan itself is a major investor in China. China has also employed economic coercion tactics against Taiwan, including trade barriers and tourism bans. The Philippines’ “legitimate interest in cross-strait relations” stems from its geographic proximity to Taiwan and the presence of a significant number of Filipino nationals residing there.
The “delicate balancing act” that the Philippines performs between China and Taiwan creates a complex geopolitical environment. While the provided information does not directly state Chinoy loyalties to Taiwan, the shared concern for regional stability between the Philippines and Taiwan, particularly under pressure from China, suggests that Chinoy businesses, especially those involved in regional trade or supply chains, are indirectly affected by these tensions. Any escalation in cross-strait relations could create indirect pressures on Chinoy businesses, compelling them to navigate an increasingly complex regional political economy, irrespective of their direct loyalties.
6. Challenges and Perceptions of Dual Loyalty
The Chinoy community in the Philippines has historically faced, and continues to navigate, challenges related to their identity, particularly concerning perceptions of dual loyalty.
The Persistence of Sinophobia and “Outsider” Perceptions
Historically, Chinese Filipinos have been perceived as “outsiders” due to their ethnicity, despite their considerable efforts to assimilate into Philippine society. They have been subjected to various forms of discrimination, including “staggering taxes,” forced labor, and even massacres during the Spanish colonial period. Post-colonial exclusionary laws, such as the Chinese Exclusion Act of the 1920s and the Filipino First Policy of the 1950s, further alienated Chinese Filipinos involved in business. The perception that Chinese people are associated with wealth, set against a backdrop of significant economic disparity among the local population, has historically fueled ethnic tensions. Accusations of “dual loyalty” are explicitly identified as a “bigoted trope” used to question trustworthiness, drawing parallels to antisemitic narratives.
Impact of Geopolitical Events and Domestic Controversies
Recent geopolitical events and domestic controversies have intensified these challenges:
South China Sea Dispute: Heightened racial tensions between Chinese Filipinos and mainstream Filipinos have significantly increased, primarily revolving around territorial disputes in the West Philippine Sea. This has led to direct questioning of Chinese Filipinos’ loyalty: “Do they support China or the Philippines?”.
Influx of New Migrants and POGOs: The arrival of xin yimin (new Chinese migrants) and the expansion of Philippine Offshore Gaming Operators (POGOs) have deepened the distinctions between established Tsinoys and these newer arrivals. Issues such as illegal immigration, human trafficking, and related criminal activities involving Chinese individuals have fueled a surge in anti-China and anti-Chinese narratives.
Alice Guo Controversy: Espionage allegations against former mayor Alice Guo dramatically escalated anti-Chinese sentiment, leading to sensationalized reports of a “silent invasion”. These events have made individuals who appear Chinese feel “increasingly vulnerable to attacks” , even though mainstream society often distinguishes between Tsinoys and xin yimin.
The current geopolitical tensions with China, particularly over the South China Sea, combined with domestic controversies like the POGO issues and the Alice Guo scandal, are not creating new anti-Chinese sentiments but rather revitalizing and exacerbating existing historical Sinophobia. This dynamic leads to renewed questioning of Chinoy loyalties, compelling them to constantly re-assert their Filipino identity and differentiate themselves from the actions of the Chinese state or more recent migrants. This illustrates how external political events directly impact the internal social cohesion and identity of a diaspora.
Internal Community Dynamics and Generational Divides
Within the Chinoy community, there is a notable generational divide concerning loyalty. Younger Tsinoys tend to show greater integration and advocate for democratic values, while older generations may retain loyalties tied to historical political regimes, such as the Marcos era. The “ko tiam” mentality, while fostering strong business acumen, can also generate pressure and emotional conflicts, with some younger Chinoys feeling they “missed out on carefree childhood experiences” or are unduly pressured to take over family businesses. While the Chinoy community actively supports investigations into controversies like Alice Guo and POGO closures, some older members express apprehension that sensationalism could lead to a resurgence of “McCarthyism,” evoking fear and anxiety within the community.
The concept of “dual loyalty” is explicitly recognized as a bigoted trope. The Chinoy community’s consistent and vocal rejection of this accusation, coupled with their extensive civic engagement, demonstrates their active role in resisting being “othered.” This resistance is not passive; it involves deliberate actions to prove their Filipino identity and loyalty, effectively transforming a negative stereotype into a catalyst for stronger integration and self-definition. This highlights the political and social dimensions of identity formation within a diasporic group.
7. Conclusion: A Hybrid Identity Rooted in the Philippines
The Chinoy business community in the Philippines represents a deeply hybrid and continuously evolving identity. Shaped by centuries of migration, profound economic integration, and periods marked by both discrimination and assimilation, their identity is unequivocally rooted in their Philippine home, while respectfully acknowledging their Chinese heritage.
Evidence strongly indicates that the loyalties of Chinoy businessmen and the broader Chinoy community lie predominantly with the Philippines. This commitment is manifested through their extensive civic engagement, their significant and sustained contributions to the Philippine economy, and their unambiguous stance on critical national issues, such as the West Philippine Sea dispute. They actively differentiate themselves from more recent Chinese migrants and firmly reject any notion of “dual loyalty.”
While certain Chinoy conglomerates maintain pragmatic business ties and strategic investments in mainland China, and the Philippines as a nation has robust economic relations with both China and Taiwan, these economic engagements are primarily driven by business opportunities and do not signify a primary political allegiance to Beijing or Taipei. Instead, they reflect strategic economic decisions made within a globalized and regionally interconnected economy.
The Chinoy community continues to navigate the complexities of their hybrid identity amidst rising geopolitical tensions and persistent anti-Chinese sentiment. Their historical resilience, remarkable adaptability, and unwavering commitment to their Philippine homeland suggest a future of continued integration and substantial contributions to the nation. However, fostering greater acceptance and harnessing the full potential of this vital segment of the Philippine population will necessitate ongoing community dialogue and a deeper understanding from the broader Filipino society.
Table 3: Major Chinoy Community and Business Organizations and Their Roles
This table highlights the organized efforts of the Chinoy community to define and express their identity and loyalties. These organizations are structured entities with clear missions, demonstrating a collective commitment to their chosen home. The listed activities provide concrete evidence of their deep civic engagement and contributions to Philippine society, directly countering any accusations of insularity or lack of loyalty. The inclusion of organizations like APCU helps to nuance the discussion of relations with mainland China, showing that engagement can be driven by people-to-people diplomacy and mutual understanding rather than solely political alignment. The Lannang Archives highlights internal efforts to preserve heritage, which is distinct from external political allegiance.
Before going to the Philippines, I thought the strains of xenophobia existent in some areas of the US was bad. Then I saw the paradox of how Chinoys were treated by more than a few in the Philippines as “permanent foreigners” to be viewed with suspicion and a focus of popular rage, all the while more often than not being envied (not admired) for their “business prowess” and being “rich.” Most Chinoys are common citizens and are neither influential or rich.
In mainland China the Han have been on a two thousand year project to eliminate all ethnic minorities. Yue peoples of the historic Nanyue and Minyue coastal states do not consider themselves “Chinese” internally. They had experienced thousands of years of forced assimilation by the Han, which were largely unsuccessful until the recent period under the PRC. Most Chinoys are Hokkien, who originated from Fujian (a former Minyue state). There is a minority of Chinoys who have Cantonese or Taishanese origin (both Nanyue ethnic groups) who arrived as refugees when the CCP advanced across China by 1949.
Non-Han ethnic groups learn Mandarin not because it is their language, but because Mandarin is the de facto trade language. My uncle’s wife who is a Teochew speaks Teochew (a Minyue language), but also speaks Vietnamese, Khmer, Cantonese, Mandarin, Hokkien, Hakka, etc. A mainland Chinese nationalist would vehemently argue that my name is of “Chinese” origin, but that is only because the Han insist that peoples descending from their “traditional” sphere of influence are Chinese in the first place. What next? With the so-called modern iteration of the Sinosphere spreading to African countries beset by corrupt dictators, I’m sure the Han nationalists will next claim Africans were actually Han all along! Forcing ethnic identity conformism is a tool of imperialism (Irony is abundant here, with regards to the Philippines’ only policies). Not so long ago, “Chinese schools” in the Philippines taught Hokkien as the primary non-English language alongside Cantonese as Cantonese was the lingua franca of the “Free Chinese” until some time after 1997. The reason why Chinese schools teach Mandarin now is a recent phenomenon of necessity for doing business that coincided with the economic rise of the PRC after China was admitted to the WTO.
Just like in Hong Kong after 1997, there may be some “Chinese businessmen” who follow the allure of money from the PRC and become accomplices to PRC influence. Hong Kong thought she could use her position as the financial capital of Asia to her advantage and earn easy money from the mainland. Well the greed of Hong Kong businessmen didn’t work out so well as Hong Kong wealth was drained and used to build Shenzhen and Shanghai. Freedoms in Hong Kong were crushed. Hong Kong was an de jure autonomous region of the PRC after 1997, though the PRC did not respect the agreements thus infiltrated Hong Kong society and business anyway.
The Philippines has full sovereignty within her borders and does not face the same problem Hong Kong did. Foreign influence, racketeering, and criminality by United Front associated groups (e.g. the Triad organizations) could be investigated by the NBI and pursued by the PNP. It’s easier to just carry on the theater of domestic clearances and documentation issuance though, and do too little about actual foreign infiltration and influence.
Probably the major flaw of Commonwealth and Third Republic was that they were very anti-Chinese – even as many old mestizo families from the Spanish era are actually Chinese-Filipinos who adopted the majority Hispanized mestizo culture to fit in. Prof. Carolyn Hau (whose maiden name happens to be Sy) wrote about that. It was Marcos Sr. who took that master stroke of naturalizing those already in the country for long but also making sure Chinese schools gave instruction in mainly English plus lessons in Filipino/Tagalog, creating the new generation of Chinoys that speak but little Hokkien.
BTW the Philippine Organic Act defined EVERY Spanish subject residing in the islands at a certain cut-off date (I think in 1901 or 1902) as Filipino, that of course was an American ius solis idea of citizenship. Only Spanish subjects that had Spanish citizenship weren’t Filipino, and there was even a court case on that during the Philippine Assembly elections in 1907. The stuff about the Organic Act resurfaced during the court cases as to whether Fernando Poe Jr. was a natural-born Filipino in the noughties when he ran for President. The Commonwealth onwards had very strict ius sanguinis with nary a possibility for naturalization. The 1987 Constitution made two Miss Universes possible by allowing children of Filipina mothers to be Filipino citizens, used to be via father ONLY. There is also the possibility of naturalization for foreign kids who grew up in the Philippines and “mainly socialize with Filipinos” (don’t remember the exact text of the law)
The younger generations don’t call Chinoys “Chinese” anymore like the older generations did is my impression. Aside from envying Chinoy businessmen, a lot of Pinoys seem extremely fascinated by tall Chinays that play volleyball. BTW Cory Aquino still spoke Hokkien while her children DON’T. As for ethnicity being very tied to descent, a lot of people who grew up in Manila in the 70s or 80s still defined themselves as belonging to the ethnolinguistic group their parents came from. That seems to no longer be the case with their Manila-born kids and grandkids. Filipino is an identity that is still work in progress, just like the Philippines as a country.
It may depend on economic level if a Chinoy can speak Hokkien or not. Most Chinoys are actually only 1/4, 1/8, or 1/16 aside from their Hokkien surname. I recall dirt-poor tricycle or padyak/trisikad drivers who proudly pointed at their nameplate affixed to their vehicle that has a Hispanized Hokkien surname and say “actually, I’m Chinese.” I’d double-take because the guy clearly has mostly Filipino features. Families which have built at least middle class wealth definitely speak Hokkien at home for the most part. Heck, I’ve even met Chinoys who have family members who can speak Vietnamese because they were merchants in the Bamboo Network before.
Dr. Xiao Chua is 1/8 Chinese and doesn’t speak Hokkien. His father – now retired – worked as a Pepsi sales rep so they were definitely middle class. Xiao is at time annoyed by people who ask why the hell he is teaching Philippine history with a surname like that. There are a lot of middle class mixed Chinoys who don’t speak any Hokkien, a distant aunt of mine who lived in Greenhills but was mixed (father Chinese, mother Bikolana) was an example, I at times was at their place (their pool was nice ) but never heard her speak anything but English, Bikolano or Tagalog. Some cousins of mine have a Chinoy surname and their father could be “pure” Chinese from how they look but their mother is definitely from Tiwi Albay while their father was from a known Chinoy family in Naga. Wouldn’t know if the one who married a Chinese-Thai woman and now is in pension in Bangkok spoke Hokkien before he met his wife, I could ask.
The topic of certain Chinoy families insisting on being “pure” is sensitive. Some traditional Chinoy parents will break apart relationships of their children with even partly non-Chinese Filipinos. A Cebuana Chinay with a business who was among those I followed on X when I still was there was 3/4 Chinese, her father was “hoshia” (that is the term I remember for “mixed”) and she tweeted about an incident where some aunts were pointing at her rudely when she was a kid. So racism is on both sides in the complicated relationship between Filipinos of different origins. Not to mention of course the Chinoys who took on non-Chinese names during the Spanish period to avoid discrimination.
The word you recall is “Hunxue” not “Hoshia.” Hunxue generally means “mixed race” (as the Han considered themselves their own race) and literally translates to “crossbreed,” “hybrid” or “bastard,” all very insulting of course.
Btw, before the Han genocided the Yue peoples and forced assimilation, the Yue peoples including the Vietnamese, Cantonese, Hakka, Teochew and Hokkien among others were referred to as “Nanman” or “Southern barbarians.” The Vietnamese were the only Yue group that escaped forced assimilation and to this day the Han still refer to Vietnamese people as “Nanman” when they feel like insulting a Vietnamese.
Han culture with its mythic narrative of Han people being descended in part from Heaven has a heavy emphasis on “pureness.” Over time non-Han groups which were subsumed into Han culture adopted some ideas, like of “pureness.” But let’s say the Hokkien who live outside of direct Han influence do not see themselves as Han Chinese, they would refer to themselves as whatever their ethnic group is.
In modern China (including the Republic period) there was a renewed push for assimilation. Obviously different languages (because the people who spoke that language are a different ethnic group) were designated as “dialects of Chinese.” I do wonder sometimes if that’s where the First Republic got the idea for Cebuano, Bikolano, Tausug, Waray, etc. being “dialects” of “Filipino” *ahem* Tagalog. With basically all the main Filipino dishes either have in a “Chinese” origin or being heavily influenced by it, the influence of the Hokkien in the Philippines is a lot more than most Filipinos think.
Nanman reminds me of the not too nice German term “Südländer”, used to refer to anyone who looks a bit darker – from a Neapolitan or Sicilian to a Syrian or Turk – but still de facto white-skinned. Means “Southlander”. BTW the Amish use the term “Englishmen” or “outlanders” to refer to non-Amish, the latter terms is similar to German “Ausländer” for foreigner. The Amish are after all Southwestern Germans who decided to live outside the Anglo US mainstream.
As for the Commonwealth during Quezon’s time pushing for Filipino as Tagalog, it is clear that the major “founding fathers” were Tagalog, from Rizal to Bonifacio to Aguinaldo to Quezon. Exceptions like Iloilo ilustrado Graciano Lopez Jaene and Ilocanos like Juan and Antonio Luna or the badass “General” Simeon Ola who held out in the hills of Bikol against the USA are exceptions to the old Tagalog dominance which already broke when Roxas from Iloilo was President in 1946, followed by Ilokano Quirino, or even with Osmena as Quezon’s successor in exile. The dialect idea might have been shaped or influenced by how the Spanish during Francos time denied the existence of regional languages at home. Many mestizo Filipinos were Franquistas. Those who actively supported Japan were somewhat unwelcome in the Philippines after 1946 and left – this is what I found out due to MLQ3. There were still holdovers of Franquista mestizos at Ateneo well into the 1970s though. The unique mix that is Filipino has many ingredients, some known, some partly forgotten.
Filipino cuisine is a broad topic, though I did read somewhere that kare-kare somehow comes from curry. Though one never knows what is like Flores and flourescent there. Adobo in the Philippines has a Spanish-derived name but is older than colonialism. Definitely pansit and lumpia are Hokkien influences. Don’t know about sinigang though. Balut of course is something eaten on the East Asian mainland as well. I wonder what makes Bikol express so similar to Thai curry in its sauce. But I know too little about food.
I don’t recall Südländer having such as negative connotation that is comparable to the Mandarin word “man” which means “wild” or “barbaric.” For example, generally “manren” means “barbarian person.” In “Nanman,” “nan” means “southern.” The last ancient Vietnamese kingdom (204-111 BC) that still held quite a few traditional Yue lands (encompassing almost all of Guangdong and Hainan island) before the Vietnamese were pushed southward when the rest of the Baiyue confederation was destroyed was called “Nanyue,” or “Southern Yue,” which has the modern Vietnamese translation of “Nam Việt.” As we can see the name “Việt Nam” is just the characters reversed. That was due to a dispute with the Qin (Han) emperor where the Han threatened to invade (again) as the Qin claimed the entirety of the Yue lands.
Actually, the various Mandarin words for “barbarian” like “man” carry an implicit genocidal intent, implying that a barbarian must be eliminated entirely. Ironically despite what the Han write about in their narratives (annals), it is not that hard to figure out that the only times the “Chinese” expanded, it was when the Han themselves were conquered by the barbarians (Xiongnu, Manchu, Mongol, etc.). The Han just later re-wrote history to make for example the Mongols to be “actually just kind of funny Han people, but Han people nonetheless” (which is the basis of the PRC claim on all of Mongolia or Tibet btw, and the same way they claim Vietnam, the Ryukyus, Korea, the Philippines and so on). Of course killing everyone was usually not practical, so the Han just forced non-Han people to assimilate by killing the men and raping the women (does that sound familiar with what the PRC is doing in Xinjiang now?). Genocide doesn’t necessarily need to mean killing everyone physically — it is an eradication of a culture. Even when traveling in modern China today, Han people who have more Han blood look entirely distinct from let’s say Cantonese or Hokkien people. There is still a rapidly dwindling Vietic group on the Chinese side of the border today in Guangdong and Hainan that speaks a dialect of Old Vietnamese that is mostly mutually intelligible with modern Vietnamese — I met some during my travels. Anyway, not to be alarmist but the PRC threat is more than “stealing islands and seas.”
I do wonder if Tagalog would’ve been so platformed if the US had not de facto continued Manila as the center of government. It seemed to me that the non-Tagalog leaders and generals you mentioned, along with the Zamboangueños at Fort Pilar were much more effective fighters than the KKK ever were.
I had not considered a Franco connection as Franco gained power during the Commonwealth period when Spain had already been ejected for over 40 years. I wonder if the modern day Hispanista movement in the Philippines (a bunch of weirdos really imho) are descendants of Filipino Franquistas. Filipino Franquistas were probably the weird edgelord contrarians-for-contrarianisms-sake of their day as well?
Well since I cook a lot, including international food, I can fill you in on the origin of kare-kare. Kare-kare was popularized out of Pampanga, where the Kapampangan version was probably first created. I’ve heard some theories, such as kare-kare originally being a Bruneian food that was brought to pre-Spanish Manila by the Brunei princes and warriors who were the ruling class, or that kare-kare (which sounds like “curry” of course) was introduced by the British during the British occupation of Manila by Tamil sepoys (curry = kari in Tamil). Well both the Brunei and British hypothesises doesn’t make sense to me because peanut-heavy kare-kare doesn’t have much of a connection to Bruneian kari (Malay borrowed the word kari from the Tamil Cholas) or the kari of the British Tamil sepoys. Rather if we travel to the Mexican states that have a heavy Aztec influence (mostly along the coasts like Jalisco, Veracruz, Oaxaca, Guerrero) there is a type of stew called “encacahuatado” (literally, “[stewed] in peanuts”), which surprise! has a defining feature of being thickened with ground peanuts. Peanuts of course arrived in the Philippines by way of the Acapulco galleon trade. Acapulco is in the state of Guerrero.
Oh, I didn’t know about the connotation of “man” in Chinese. I wonder if even the Russian “chornije” (meaning “blacks”) for people of the Caucasus (actually some Russian ultranationalists have a hard time accepting Stalin’s origins) is as bad.
As for national language, there might have been some idea similar to how Spain imposed Castilian, or France imposed the Paris variant of French especially after the evolution, or how Italy imposed Florentine on starting with the Repubblica. In any case, that Latin centralism and state-orientation would be in line with how the Philippine bureacracy thinks and acts.
But on the other hand, English was the de facto language during the Third Republic. The older members of TSOH are living examples of how everyone spoke excellent English back then, with more of an accent as there was no Internet for them to base the “correct” pronunciation on but probably with better understanding of meaning. That could have been due to the unresolved standoff between Visayans and Tagalogs.
IF the Philippines had been as serious as France or Italy in pushing ONE national language, ALL subjects would have been in Filipino and English would have been the one foreign language taught but it was practically the opposite.
so POLITICALLY speaking there was no real Tagalog dominance, though Manila dominance was real, as in Visayan government officials coming to Manila to ask for money or Visayans coming for board exams had their accents openly mocked until as recently as the 1970s, and Yoyoy Villame decided to become a comedian as he was a great singer but people in Manila started laughing the moment he started to sing with his thick Visayan accent. “Inday” is still used to refer to a maid until today.
Now in 1987, there was a crazy debate about Filipino vs. Pilipino. ChatGPT says:
*************
By the time the 1986 Constitutional Commission was drafting the new Constitution (after the fall of the Marcos regime), there was a need to clarify and define the national language. The framers had to decide:
What should the national language be called?
How should it be described in relation to English, Spanish, and regional languages?
The debate centered on the proper name of the national language: should it be called “Pilipino”, as it had been previously (in the 1973 Constitution), or “Filipino”, which some argued was more inclusive and modern?
⚔️ The Debate: “Pilipino” vs. “Filipino”
✅ Arguments for “Filipino” (which ultimately won):
Modern and Inclusive
“Filipino” was seen as a more evolved and inclusive term that could incorporate elements from other Philippine languages, not just Tagalog.
Historical and Orthographic Evolution
“Filipino” reflects the adoption of the modern Filipino alphabet, which includes the letter F (unlike the original Tagalog/Pilipino alphabet).
Language evolves, and the Constitution should reflect that evolution.
National Identity
“Filipino” was seen as symbolically representing all Filipinos, not just speakers of Tagalog or a specific region.
Some commissioners saw “Pilipino” as too closely tied to Tagalog-centric nationalism.
In line with international usage
“Filipino” corresponds to the international spelling of the demonym (e.g., Filipino people, Filipino citizen).
❌ Arguments for “Pilipino”:
Established Usage
“Pilipino” was the established name of the national language since the 1950s and used in the 1973 Constitution.
Some argued changing it was unnecessary or confusing.
Linguistic Simplicity
Some older nationalists believed “Filipino” was an elitist or foreign-influenced spelling.
Orthographic Limitations of Tagalog
Traditional Tagalog didn’t have the letter “F,” so “Pilipino” was more “authentic” to native phonetics.
🧾 How the Debate Proceeded in the Commission
The debate took place primarily in the Committee on Human Resources, particularly in discussions of Article XIV (Education, Science and Technology, Arts, Culture, and Sports).
Commissioners such as Ponciano Bennagen, a noted anthropologist and advocate of cultural pluralism, strongly argued for “Filipino.”
There was recognition that “Filipino” was not merely a renaming of Tagalog, but a developing, evolving national language incorporating elements of various Philippine languages.
The term “Filipino” was formally adopted in the final version of the Constitution.
🏛 Final Provision in the 1987 Constitution
Article XIV, Section 6:
“The national language of the Philippines is Filipino. As it evolves, it shall be further developed and enriched on the basis of existing Philippine and other languages.”
This language established that Filipino is the national language, distinct from “Pilipino,” and explicitly describes it as an evolving language drawing from all Philippine tongues.
📌 Summary
“Pilipino” was seen as Tagalog-based and outdated.
“Filipino” was adopted as a more inclusive, evolving national language.
The debate reflected deeper issues of national identity, linguistic pluralism, and cultural inclusion.
“Filipino” became the official term in the 1987 Constitution, symbolizing a modern, inclusive identity for the nation’s language.
Let me know if you want excerpts from the Constitutional Commission records or details on how this impacted Filipino language policy after 1987.
*****
now did anything change when it came to Filipino? Everything stayed haphazard.
De facto according to MLQ3, Tagalog in Manila strongly “Visayanized” – indeed the Tagalog of today is somewhat simpler in grammar than even that of the 1970s, not to mention the 1950s or the nearly archaic Tagalog of Bonifacio’s era.
The Tagalog of the media is Taglish, the Tagalog of school is often nearly unusable. Like many things in the 1987 Constitution, it stayed with just good intentions.
This analysis exhausts me. I miss the point.
The gist is that Chinoys had a complex history but that the younger generations are more “Filipino” in that they speak more Tagalog/English and hardly much Hokkien – actually a result of the naturalization in 1975 under Marcos Sr. AND (not in the study) his decreeing that Chinese schools should teach mainly in English and teach FIlipino/Tagalog as a course.
Second point is that there are some Chinoy billionaires with business interests on the mainland.
Third point is that there are different degrees of engagement in Filipino civic society. Teresita Ang-See is mentioned as an important figure.
The AI did mention Alice Guo but not Michael Yang or the Pandesal Forum of Wilson Lee Flores.
Gemini is quite conservative and cautious, Grok is crazy, I have no final idea about ChatGPT yet.
Thanks for the snapshot. Color me skeptical about younger Chinoys.
Just like Putin’s fever dream of reconstituting the Russian Empire (not the USSR like many less informed observers think) caused Eastern Europe to mobilize society, Xi’s plan to rebuild the Chinese Empire of old is well understood by keen observers in every neighbor aside from the Philippines (apparently). And just like Putin doesn’t seek to reform the USSR, but to go back to the times of Peter the Great, Xi doesn’t see himself as a neo-Qing emperor (it was under the “soft” Manchu Qing that China was at its greatest territorial extent) but rather as a new Kublai Khan (taking from the martial history of the Mongol Yuan).
One of the first think pieces that Xi ordered upon taking power in 2013 was a fantasy plan to assert imperial dominance over Asia, and the world by outright taking new territory or creating pliant vassals. Take a look at these two overview articles. How many PRC moves over the last decade plus have aligned with what is outlined in the “6 Wars” plan? The Philippines has largely been asleep.
https://www.wearethemighty.com/intel/6-wars-the-chinese-think-theyll-fight/
https://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2024/07/17/2003820902
The Philippines does not have a direct equivalent to Russia’s “Foreign Agent Law” or similar legislation in countries like China or Hungary. However, there are existing laws and regulations that touch on some related themes, such as foreign funding, national security, and foreign influence. Here are some Philippine laws and proposals that have overlapping or analogous functions, though not as broad or repressive as foreign agent laws in authoritarian regimes:—🇵🇭 Existing Laws with Similar Elements1. Anti-Money Laundering Act (AMLA) of 2001 (RA 9160, as amended)Monitors financial transactions, including foreign funding of NGOs and individuals.Covered institutions must report large or suspicious transactions, which can include foreign funding of politically active organizations.Overlap: Surveillance and transparency of funding sources.2. Security of Tenure Act for Civil Society Organizations (Proposed, not yet law)Has been proposed to regulate non-governmental organizations, including those with foreign funding.Would require accreditation, regular reporting, and transparency in operations.Overlap: Transparency, anti-corruption measures, monitoring influence.3. Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020 (RA 11479)Broad and controversial definitions of terrorism.Can be used to monitor, tag, or restrict organizations or individuals deemed to support terrorism—potentially including foreign-funded groups.The Anti-Terrorism Council has broad powers to designate individuals/groups as terrorists.Overlap: National security lens used to investigate organizations; can create a chilling effect on dissent.4. Public Service Act (as amended by RA 11659)Restricts foreign ownership in specific critical sectors (transport, utilities, etc.) for national security.Overlap: Limits on foreign influence in key industries.5. Foreign Investments Act (RA 7042, as amended)Lists sectors where foreign ownership or participation is restricted or prohibited (e.g., media, education).Overlap: Limits on foreign participation for national identity and sovereignty reasons.—🛑 No Direct Equivalent to “Foreign Agent” LabelThe Philippines does not have a law that explicitly requires individuals or organizations receiving foreign funding to register as “foreign agents” or be labeled as such in publications or public discourse, unlike:Russia’s Foreign Agents Law (2012) – requires registration and labeling of media/NGOs with foreign funding.U.S. Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) – requires disclosure of political lobbying on behalf of foreign entities.China’s Foreign NGO Law (2017) – restricts and monitors foreign NGOs operating in China.—🧠 Context and CommentaryCivil Society in the PH: Philippine civil society is robust, and many NGOs receive foreign aid, especially for human rights, development, and humanitarian work.Concerns: Some officials and legislators have occasionally raised concerns about foreign-funded organizations interfering in domestic politics, particularly those critical of the government (e.g., during the Duterte administration).Red-Tagging: Instead of labeling groups as “foreign agents,” the government has sometimes “red-tagged” activists, journalists, and NGOs—accusing them (often without evidence) of communist links, which can be equally dangerous.—✅ Summary TableElement Philippine Equivalent RemarksForeign funding disclosure AMLA, SEC NGO registration Partial overlap; focused on financial transparencyPolitical influence regulation None explicitly No requirement to register as “foreign agent”NGO/CSO oversight DSWD/SEC regulations; proposed CSO laws No centralized foreign-agent taggingNational security monitoring Anti-Terrorism Act Can be used to suppress dissent, indirectlyMedia & information control Restrictions on foreign ownership in media Not labeling-based but ownership-based—Would you like a policy comparison chart with countries like Russia, China, and the U.S., or an analysis of risks if a foreign agent law were introduced in the PH?
1. Historical Origins & Spanish Colonial Era
2. American & Post‑War to Marcos Era
3. Modern Era: Demographics, Culture & Society
4. Economy & Geopolitics: Chinese Finance & Diaspora Influence
5. Future Outlook
Summary Table Period / Aspect Key Features Spanish era Trade prominence, segregated enclaves, violent repression, rise of mestizo class American & Republic era Legal alien status → “Filipino First” policies → Mass Naturalization in 1975 Contemporary Integrated community, institutions, schools, economic influence, limited political office Economy & geopolitics Significant Chinese state or private financing, influence via diaspora business elite Outlook Balancing integration and heritage, growing technical/entrepreneurial capacity, influenced by changing Philippine–China relations
The story of Chinese Filipinos is one of resilience, cultural fusion, and adaptation—from early trade ties predating Spanish arrival, through painful repression and eventual social integration, to today’s position as a dynamic and complex community. Their journey reflects broader trends in Philippine nation-building, commerce, and regional geopolitics.
Would you like more focus on cultural traditions, language preservation, notable individuals, or Tsinoy contributions to Philippine arts & politics?
Re: Chinoys
Re Foreign Agents legislation or lack of it.
Thanks for the overview. A regular rats nest of laws.
pleasure
Here’s the updated breakdown on the recovery of Marcos ill-gotten wealth as of mid-2025: Summary of Recoveries Period Amount Recovered Up to end of 2020 ₱174.2 billion (as reported in 2021) 2024 (fiscal year) ₱2.2 billion in cash recoveries Cumulative total as of 2024 ₱182 billion in cash recoveries Additional Developments in 2025
Vehicle Recovery: In February 2025, the PCGG reported that it had recovered motor vehicles valued at at least ₱5 million.
Legal Lapses: Around the same time, the Sandiganbayan dismissed another long-standing ill-gotten wealth case against Ferdinand Sr. and Imelda Marcos, citing excessive delays spanning nearly four decades.
What This Means
Since the previous report in 2021 (₱174.2B), an additional ₱7.8B in cash has been recovered through the end of 2024, bringing the cumulative total to ₱182B.
Asset recoveries continue, albeit modestly, such as the recent reclaiming of motor vehicles.
Ongoing litigation remains vital for further recovery, but some cases are being dismissed due to procedural delays.
TL;DR — Update in One Sentence
As of 2025, the PCGG has recovered ₱182 billion in Marcos ill-gotten wealth (₱174.2B by end-2020 and ₱2.2B in 2024), plus additional assets like vehicles; however, legal setbacks such as dismissed cases continue to challenge further recovery efforts.
Let me know if you’d like a breakdown by asset type or judicial outcomes next!
https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/breakdown-billions-recovered-marcos-ill-gotten-wealth-by-pcgg-more-to-get/
I couldn’t read the article because Rappler requires an e-mail submission to get through their “this is not a paywall” blockade. Nope, no way. I note the article is 2021, and covid was still mainstream.
I used chatgpt to summarize and ask for updates. Only the balance was not updated by chatgpt
Thank you for the update, Karl. I had read that the tax case against Junior had lapsed due to at least four years of inaction during Duterte’s term. I suspect that is one of case dismissals. As I recollect, Junior replaced the head of PCGG early on. In my own mind, it’s a spent case, or set of cases. No one benefits from spending big on research and legal fees but the people, and they are busy trying to find work.
Welcome and spot on